Massachusetts-based advanced materials manufacturer Hollingsworth & Vose will invest $40.2 million to expand its Floyd County operation, a project expected to create 25 jobs, Gov. Glenn Youngkin announced Tuesday.
H&V will add more than 28,000 square feet to its facility at 365 Christiansburg Pike NE to accommodate new production equipment.
“Hollingsworth & Vose has generated positive economic impact and job opportunities in Floyd County for more than four decades, and this significant investment further solidifies the company’s commitment to Virginia,” Youngkin said in a statement. “Businesses with a long history of expansion in the commonwealth offer powerful testimonials on why a Virginia location is a foundation for success.”
H&V was incorporated in 1892 and has been family-owned for seven generations. The company produces advanced materials used in filtration, battery and industrial applications. It has more than 200 employees.
“We’ve been a part of the Floyd, Virginia, community since 1976. This facility is essential to serving both our global and domestic customers,” H&V CEO Josh Ayer said in a statement. “We chose Virginia for this expansion because of its positive business environment and strong support from the commonwealth of Virginia and Floyd County.”
The Virginia Economic Development Partnership worked with Floyd County to secure the project, for which Virginia competed with Georgia. Youngkin approved a $558,700 grant from the Commonwealth’s Opportunity Fund to assist Floyd County with the project.
Dr. Julious “Jody” Smith, sports medicine and arthroscopic surgery physician, OrthoVirginia, Richmond
Other medical specialties: Sports medicine and reconstructive surgery of the shoulder, elbow and knee
Education: Bachelor’s degree and medical degree, University of Virginia; residency, Virginia Commonwealth University; sports medicine fellowship, Mississippi Sports Medicine and Orthopaedic Center
Family: Oldest of three kids, with one brother and one sister. Married with three daughters, including a junior in high school and a sophomore and senior at U.Va.
Career mentors: Drs. John Cardea and Robert Adelaar at MCV taught me the basics of how to be a good and efficient orthopedic surgeon.
Dr. Buddy Savoie in my fellowship taught me the tricks and finer points of sports medicine and arthroscopic surgery at a time when he was on the cutting edge.
Fan of: I am a huge football fan, supporting the Commanders and U.Va. But I really am a fan of all U.Va. sports, including basketball, baseball, soccer and lacrosse. I also love to exercise, particularly cycling and Peloton.
What is the most common injury you see, and how do you typically treat it? In sports medicine, the most common injuries that I see are anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) injuries. We typically have to reconstruct the ligament using a tendon graft from another part of the knee. Athletes usually fully recover and return to sports at their pre-injury level.
How has your specialty changed in recent years? Technology has significantly advanced sports medicine to the point where most of the surgeries can be performed minimally invasively or “arthroscopically,” so that the surgical recovery has been greatly improved. Unfortunately, the return to sports for ACL injuries and shoulder dislocations remains longer than most athletes would prefer.
Although many political observers doubt there will be much legislation of major significance passed by the split legislature this year, Sen. Joe Morrissey, D-Petersburg, is gambling on a productive 2023.
As one of a slight Democratic majority in the Virginia Senate, the only state body currently under the party’s control, Morrissey is in an enviable position to get some bills passed — as long as he is willing to play ball with Republicans. That could mean bringing a casino to Petersburg.
Morrissey, who was elected in 2019, is closing out his freshman term in the Senate, but his reputation precedes him — to say the least.
At the end of Gov. Ralph Northam’s term in January 2022, Morrissey was granted a pardon for a 2014 misdemeanor conviction of contributing to the delinquency of a minor — his now-wife, Myrna, who was his 17-year-old receptionist at the time, and with whom Morrissey, 65, has since had four children. In January 2015, Morrissey was serving in the House of Delegates and commuted to the session from the Henrico County jail, wearing an electronic monitoring device and followed by unflattering headlines.
Disbarred twice, he also carries the nickname “Fightin’ Joe,” which dates back to a 1991 fistfight in which Morrissey, then the Richmond commonwealth’s attorney,punched defense attorney David Baugh during a circuit court trial. He also was found guilty in 1999 of misdemeanor assault and battery of his former handyman, and in 2001, Morrissey was prohibited from practicing law in federal court, followed by the Virginia State Bar’s revocation of Morrissey’s license in 2003. After a few years teaching law in Ireland and Australia, Morrissey returned to Virginia and was elected to the House of Delegates in 2007.
But the pugnacious senator considers his checkered history a badge of honor: His live WJFN-FM radio show is called “The Fighting Joe Morrissey Show,” and his district office features a glass display cabinet full of red boxing gloves.
Morrissey hosts a talk show, “The Fighting Joe Morrissey Show,” on WJFN-FM, a conservative talk radio station in Goochland County. Photo by Matthew R.O. Brown
Neither his temper nor his legal entanglements have apparently cooled with time. The president of Petersburg’s NAACP chapter, a casino critic, claimed in February 2022 that Morrissey said, “I’ll rip your heart out of your chest” during an argument — words the senator has acknowledged saying — which led to a Capitol Police investigation. And in May 2022, two WJFN employees filed preliminary restraining orders against Morrissey after a heated argument about abortion restrictions, but a judge dismissed the orders. (Raised Catholic, Morrissey has said he supports some limits on abortion, although not a full ban.)
But even with all his personal baggage, Morrissey is viewed as a savvy politician and strong advocate for his region. Petersburg has suffered financial woes for decades but has seen an uptick in developer interest and the attention of the new governor, particularly in support of the city’s burgeoning pharmaceutical manufacturing hub.
One of Morrissey’s top priorities this session is bringing a casino to Petersburg — and removing the possibility ofa competing casino in Richmond, where voters rejected a casino referendum in November 2021. Some Richmond leaders want a second chance to bring a referendum to the city’s ballots this year, but Morrissey says that if there were two casinos — one in Richmond and one in Petersburg — they would both suffer financially. “We’d have a Rosie’s [Gaming Emporium] on steroids, and that’s not good for either location.”
Instead, Morrissey has filed a bill that would bring a local referendum to Petersburg this fall to allow The Cordish Cos. to build a casino as part of a $1.4 billion mixed-use development, a deal the Baltimore developer says won’t happen if it has to compete with a casino in Richmond. Even though his party is in the minority in the House and Gov. Glenn Youngkin is a Republican, Morrissey said in November 2022, “I think it’s very likely it’s going to happen. I think the House is going to be behind it.”
Morrissey’s 2023 legislative agenda also includes sponsoring a bill to ban assault-style weapons, following two high-profile mass shootings late last year in Chesapeake and Charlottesville.
In late December, Morrissey was defeated by Sen. Jennifer McClellan for the Democratic nomination for the late U.S. Rep. Donald McEachin’s congressional seat, gaining only 13.56% of the primary vote to McClellan’s 84.81%. She will go on to run in a special election in February.
Virginia Business: You weren’t elected yet as a state senator in 2018 when negotiations began to legalize casinos in Virginia. Why do you think Richmond — and not Petersburg — was included in the bill with other economically challenged cities like Bristol, Danville, Norfolk and Portsmouth?
Morrissey: Petersburg was much more of a natural fit. The casino legislation was to help struggling cities in the commonwealth, not counties or cities that were going gangbusters. You had to work to construct language that allowed Richmond to fit into one of the five host cities.
The answer is simple. Should I be my usual candid self? The legislators representing Petersburg [in 2018], both of them were asleep at the wheel. To allow Richmond to get a casino when Petersburg was struggling and had just escaped bankruptcy three years [or] four years before, to allow that to happen was disgraceful. When God saw fit to allow Richmonders to vote against a referendum, it was an easy pivot to Petersburg. I’ll say this — had I been the state senator at the time, I would’ve fought tooth and nail to give Petersburg that initial casino.
VB: If a casino is built in Petersburg, are there any guarantees that Cordish will be creating well-paying jobs?
Morrissey: Absolutely. I think [the Joint Legislative Audit & Review Commission] was conservative in their estimate of 1,300 jobs. Most people think there’ll be between 1,500 and 1,800 permanent jobs. That’s not just Petersburg, but it’s Surry, Sussex, Prince George, Dinwiddie [counties] and Hopewell. This casino will benefit all of Central Virginia.
VB: How do you feel about Cordish being the casino developer tapped by Petersburg officials earlier this year? Did you have much to do with that?
Morrissey: I spoke with all the different casino developers, and I thought that Cordish is probably one of the preeminent casino operators in the country. When Richmond endeavored to put a casino in Richmond, it was down to [finalists] Cordish and [Urban] One. If you talk to other developers, they would say far [and] away, the best proposal [came from] Cordish. Now part of that is a factor of experience. [Editor’s Note: Cordish operates Seminole Hard Rock Hotel & Casinos in Hollywood and Tampa, Florida, and developed and operates Live! Casino & Hotel resorts in Maryland and Pennsylvania.]
What’s coming now to Petersburg is a destination resort — a 300-room hotel, retail shops, pools, music venues and gaming — but Cordish develops the contiguous area, that’s their brand. They will improve the infrastructure and all 90 contiguous acres, not just the 20 that the casino sits on.
VB:Gov. Youngkin has brought a lot of recent focus to Petersburg, notably launching a $14.5 million, 42-point state aid initiative, the Partnership for Petersburg, which he described as a pilot program for assisting underserved localities. Have you made any agreements with Youngkin’s administration or other Virginia lawmakers for support of the Petersburg casino or anything else regarding economic development in Petersburg?
Morrissey: There are absolutely zero deals, zero conversations, nothing whatsoever. The only thing that I’ve spoken to the governor about [in] the Petersburg initiative is the Petersburg initiative. It’s not fluff; it’s substantive programs that will improve Petersburg. They’re going to bring in prosecutors to help the local commonwealth’s attorney’s office. They are focused on improving water infrastructure, sewage infrastructure, rehabbing schools, perhaps a lab school. They are focused on natural resources, including that river that flows behind the old city and perhaps [building a] marina.
Let me just say this, and I said it before: I think that [Democratic governors like] Gov. Northam, Gov. [Terry] McAuliffe [and] Gov. [Doug] Wilder did some very good things for Central Virginia. [But] let’s be clear, no governor has focused as much and has put as much emphasis and money and resources into Petersburg than Gov. Youngkin.
To my Democratic colleagues that want to pooh-pooh that and say it’s ridiculous, if Northam was still governor and he did what Youngkin is doing, they would be building a statue to him right now in Old Towne Petersburg. It is, in every sense of the word, substantive, and that’s why the African American sheriff, chief of police, mayor, majority of city council, school board chairman [and] school board are all fully invested in this.
VB: Why do you think the governor’s so focused on Petersburg?
Morrissey: I think he sees an opportunity to improve a city very close to Richmond, an African American [majority] city, with initiatives and policies and programs. I think if he does exceedingly well [there], it bolsters any presidential aspirations that he has. Anybody that criticizes him and says, ‘Well, he’s doing it for his own motives,’ well, don’t we all in some way do things if we think it’s going to help us down the road?
VB: Why is it important that the state invests in economic development in Petersburg?
Morrissey: Before I came to Richmond 30 years ago, [there was] a very heavy cigarette industry in Petersburg that unfortunately left, and that decimated Petersburg. It struggled to recover and is still struggling, but now we’re on the cusp of something great. That pharmaceutical ingredient park [in Petersburg] will be the pharmaceutical capital of the East Coast.
With [Republican Del.] Kim Taylor, we got $30 million for sewage and regular water infrastructure improvements [at Petersburg’s Poor Creek Pump Station]. There is a commitment with the new director of economic development, Brian Moore, to plow tens of millions of dollars into this city, and the Petersburg initiative is going to help make that happen. Listen, I see great things ahead. I’ve told people, “You want to make money, invest in Petersburg.”
VB: What’s it like working in a split General Assembly? How easy is it to get bills to come up for a vote, let alone pass both chambers?
Morrissey: For me? Easy. Here’s why — when I’m working [on] a bill, I start a couple of months [early], visiting my colleagues in their home districts, telling them what we need to do and why this will be helpful. Take the Senate: I reach across the aisle to the Richard Stuarts, Siobhan Dunnavants, Bill Stanleys, Todd Pillions, and say, ‘Guys, listen. This is what I want to do. This is what you believe in. Let’s make it happen.’ It works.
I’m going to be very candid. I have had greater success working with some of my Republican, business-oriented, business-focused, empirical-data-driven legislators than some of the folks on my own side. That’s the way it is. Similarly, I think I have some great colleagues on the Democratic side, but when I look across the aisle there, there is a cadre of folks that are really worker bees and committed.
VB: Do you think there will be any adjustments to the minimum wage this session?
Morrissey: No. We already went flying past the $11 to $12 mark because of inflation and COVID. I thought it would take five years to get up to $15 an hour with incremental steps. We’re there, so no, there’s going to be no movement to increase it above what we’ve already done. The free market is already dictating prices, and that’s the way it should be.
VB: Do you expect more tax cuts in 2023? Is that something Democrats can get behind?
Morrissey: We have a tendency to do it piecemeal. For example, we gave $40,000 in income tax relief to military veterans — $10,000 a year for four consecutive years. I think that was good, because we want Virginia to be the [most] military-friendly state in the union, not North Carolina. I spend money when I make votes like it’s my money. I’m very, very prudent. I want Virginia to be prudent in its tax policies and let [those policies] be dictated by market forces.
VB: Cannabis sales regulation was not passed in 2022. Do you think the General Assembly will do it this session?
Morrissey: I hope so. I think so. We dropped the ball by not doing it. We have a fiduciary duty, since we have legalized marijuana, to finish the job. An expression that my kids have heard a thousand times and they can’t stand [is], “Finish the job. … You’re halfway there. You’re three-quarters [of] the way there.”
VB: This year every state legislator will be running in newly redrawn districts, including you. How do you see the November elections impacting the General Assembly and the commonwealth?
Morrissey: The best thing in the world happened. Now 61 legislators are running against each other. You got one seat where three or four Democrats are running together. Great. If we had gerrymandering in there, they would’ve all been protected. OK? Now you got [Republican Sens.] Steve Newman and Mark Peake running against each other. [Republican Sens.] Tommy Norment and [Ryan T.] McDougle. Morrissey and [Democratic primary candidate] Lashrecse Aird. Fine. Wonderful. We have no right to have a district that just protects us. Let the chips fall where they may.
There’s always going to be strong red districts in Southwest Virginia, and there’s going to be strong blue districts in Northern Virginia and some of our cities. We’re going to create more bubble districts. That’s a good thing for politics. It’s a good thing for the economy. It’s a good thing for business because it forces them to use that ‘c’ word: compromise.
VB: Do you think Democrats can hold on to power in the state Senate this year?
Morrissey: Yes. It’ll be a narrow margin once again, but I do think in 2023, they will maintain control of the Senate. It’s going to be a brand-new Senate. We’re going to see a Senate and some degree of House that we haven’t seen before with this redistricting. There’ll be 10, 15 senators [who] aren’t back.
The top five most-read daily news stories on VirginiaBusiness.com from Nov. 14 to Dec. 14, 2022, included a Virginia Business scoop about a restaurant on the culture-war frontlines that became a national news story.
The Reston-based federal contractor’s 1,500 employees were slated to become part of IBM Consulting’s U.S. public and federal market arm, in a deal expected to close by the end of 2022. (Dec. 8)
Despite lingering community opposition, Suffolk officials remain committed to the Port 460 Logistics Center, a warehouse complex on Pruden Boulevard at the U.S. Route 58 interchange, a major freight corridor to the Port of Virginia.
In September 2022, Suffolk City Council approved rezoning 540 acres from general commercial and agricultural to heavy industrial use, paving the way for Frederick, Maryland-based Matan Cos. to build 10 warehouses with up to 5 million square feet of space to attract warehousing and logistics tenants. Port 460’s initial phase includes two 350,000-square-foot buildings and a 1 million-square-foot building. The project is expected to generate 2,600 construction jobs and 9,000 long-term positions. Construction could begin late this year, with the first warehouse ready by late 2024 or early 2025, says Kevin Hughes, Suffolk deputy city manager.
Matan is investing $420 million to construct the logistics center, $30 million for public road improvements, $6.6 million for engineering costs and interchange improvements and $3 million for fees, utility connections, inspections and reviews. The Port of Virginia provided $1 million to assist with design costs, and Suffolk will partner with the port to secure additional state and federal funding, including improvements to the U.S. 460/U.S. 58 corridor, says Suffolk Mayor Mike Duman.
Port 460 could generate more than $36 million in property taxes, assuming a 10-year completion, Duman adds, and annual local taxes are projected to range from $6.5 million to $8.1 million.
“This is a significant economic investment in our city,” says Duman. “Our city’s large land mass and close proximity to the port will continue to attract this type of investment.”
Citing concerns about increased traffic and detrimental effects to the city’s rural character, a group of citizens filed a lawsuit in October 2022 in Suffolk Circuit Court seeking to nullify the rezoning.
Duman doesn’t begrudge Suffolk residents filing the lawsuit. “It gives our citizens the opportunity to see that the [rezoning] process was transparent.”
He notes that “our citizens have clearly communicated that traffic is their No. 1 concern,” adding that by 2045, truck traffic is expected to increase by 47% on Route 58 and by 90% on Route 460. Those traffic increases are directly tied to expected increases in port activity, he says. “This is inevitable with or without this project, but City Council must ensure these issues are addressed.”
CEO and president,
BWX Technologies Inc. Lynchburg
BESTADVICEYOUHAVETO GIVETOOTHERS:Write and track your life goals — family, financial, career, experiential, spiritual, etc. I’ve been doing this for 35 years.
WHATWASYOURFIRST JOB? My first real job was systems analyst at Teledyne Brown Engineering.
PERSONYOUADMIRE ANDWHY: Abraham Lincoln because of his deep thinking, grit and conviction
NEWLIFEEXPERIENCE: I’ve learned to fly fish in Virginia’s beautiful mountain streams.
WHAT’SONETHINGYOU WOULDCHANGEABOUT VIRGINIA? I would get rid of the vehicle inspection requirement. It is ridiculous.
FAVORITESPORTSTEAM: Kentucky Wildcats basketball
FAVORITESONG: Van Morrison’s “Moondance”
DID YOU KNOW? In December 2022, BWXT began producing the nuclear fuel that will power the first microreactor built and operated in the U.S., which will also be delivered by BWXT in 2024.
Like the quote from a possibly apocryphal Harvard Law professor, Virginia legislators can look to their left and then to their right, and one of their peers probably won’t be seated there next year, thanks to a supercharged primary field created by a late 2021 redistricting.
And now, 61 of Virginia’s 140 incumbent state senators and delegates find themselves competing for the same district with other incumbents. Some will face each other in June primaries and others in November general elections, while a few may decide not to run. The outcome is likely to create a major reshuffle in legislative leadership, if not party representation.
State Sen. Joe Morrissey, who faces former Del. Lashrecse Aird in a Democratic primary for the Petersburg Senate seat, welcomes the competition, saying, “We have no right to have a district that just protects us. Let the chips fall where they may.”
Here are just a few of the contested state Senate districts in the 2023 election year featuring familiar names: Democratic state Sens. Louise Lucas and Lionell Spruill Sr. in Hampton Roads; Republican Sens. Ryan McDougle and Minority Leader Tommy Norment in the Peninsula; and in the Roanoke Valley, Democratic Sen. John Edwards vs. Republican Sen. David Suetterlein. Three other sitting senators — Democrat Creigh Deeds and Republicans Emmett Hanger and Mark Obenshain — were in the same Shenandoah Valley district. However,Deeds said he’s moving to Senate District 11, where many of his Charlottesville-area constituents reside, and where he’ll challenge Del. Sally Hudson for the Democratic nomination.
Delegates, too, are facing primary and general election battles, among them Republicans Israel O’Quinn and Will Wampler in Southwest Virginia, Democrats Eileen Filler-Corn and Kathy Tran in Fairfax County, and Luke Torian and Elizabeth Guzman, Democrats representing parts of Prince William County.
In Floyd and Patrick counties, the heat has already risen on the primary contest between Republican Dels. Marie March and Wren Williams. Not only are they seeking the same seat, but March pressed charges against Williams, claiming he slammed her shoulder as the two passed each other at a GOP fundraiser in Wytheville in September 2022. Williams has said he apologized and didn’t realize he had bumped into March, while she claimed it was intentional. On Jan. 4, a Wytheville General District Court judge found Williams not guilty.
“Those Southwest Virginia people, they get pretty fired up,” jokes Del. Hyland “Buddy” Fowler, R-Hanover, suggesting that GOP Del. Thomas Wright, who sits near March and Williams in the House, “will be the referee. We do have to maintain some level of decorum.”
‘Insane’ number of primaries
Tempers aside, an election year often generates more posturing than real legislative action — but some of that depends on the ideological makeup of candidates’ districts.
“I think the conventional wisdom is that it’s a year to do nothing,” says Greg Habeeb, a former Republican delegate and now head of Gentry Locke Attorneys’ Richmond-based government and regulatory affairs team. “It’s a campaign year. There’s an insane number of primaries. There’s going to be huge turnover amongst Senate leadership from the highest levels of the Senate.”
Indeed, Sen. Janet Howell, the Fairfax County Democrat who co-chairs the powerful Senate Finance and Appropriations Committee, has been rumored to be considering retirement, having served in the Senate since 1992. Her new district includes Democratic incumbent state Sen. Jennifer Boysko.
Delegates Marie March and Wren Williams will face each other in a Republican primary for the same seat in Floyd and Patrick counties. March photo by AP Photo/Steve Helber; Williams photo by Allison Lee Isley/The Washington Post via Getty Images
Senate Majority Leader Dick Saslaw, who has served in the Senate since 1980 and turns 82 in February, may also retire. Democratic Sen. Dave Marsden is now in the same Fairfax County district.
University of Mary Washington Professor Stephen Farnsworth says that the newly drawn districts — determined in December 2021 by two Virginia Supreme Court-appointed special masters who did not take incumbents’ residences into consideration — favor Democrats because of population dispersal. Younger, more Democratic-leaning voters live in urban and suburban areas, while more conservative rural regions are losing population and seats, he notes.
“The [Republican] House majority is already at risk because of the lines that have been redrawn,” Farnsworth says. “The reality for a lot of Republicans is that the election that really matters is the primary.”
The state Senate, which Democrats have held in a razor-thin 21-19 majority since Republicans won back the House and the governorship in 2021, is a bit trickier to predict, although Morrissey says he believes Senate Democrats will hang on to power in 2023.
In January, though, voters in U.S. Rep. Jen Kiggans’ former state Senate district will vote for her replacement as the Republican takes office in Washington, D.C. State law requires the Jan. 11 special election to take place in the 2010-drawn 7th District including parts of Virginia Beach and Norfolk, which has gone back and forth between Democratic and Republican control. If Democrat Aaron Rouse, a Virginia Beach councilman, beats Republican candidate Kevin Adams, the Democratic-Republican divide will widen to 22 to 18 this session.
While the change of one Senate seat could make a difference in the fate of some bills in committee, the Senate has been a reliably steady institution, often checking the bolder impulses of the House of Delegates.
“The Senate, no matter who has been in charge, has been the same institution for a long time,” Habeeb says. “The majority-minority changes, but the leadership doesn’t change.”
However, that may not hold true much longer, he adds: “A lot of that’s about to change. A lot of folks are saying that [2023’s] the time to go.”
‘Get out of Richmond’
A major question for candidates, especially Republicans, is how far to push hot-button culture war topics. Common wisdom has it that some Republicans nationwide lost midterm elections by focusing on the premise of a stolen 2020 presidential election, a falsehood promoted by former President Donald Trump.
However, notes David Ramadan, a former Republican delegate who represented parts of Loudoun and Prince William counties, issues like abortion and transgender students’ rights go beyond simple rhetoric for some Republican officeholders and their constituents. “They believe very strongly in what they’re doing. They represent very, very red districts. They don’t go by the national atmosphere, especially in an election year,” says Ramadan, a professor at George Mason University’s Schar School of Policy and Government.
Even controversial bills that are likely to fail or be tabled — such as Republican Sen. Amanda Chase’s measure to prohibit all gender transition treatment for children under age 18 — can serve a role in differentiating candidates from competitors, Ramadan says. “They’re going to go with the far-right issue bills that will help them nail the nomination.”
But this legislative gamesmanship can have real-world effects. Even as Virginians are reeling from two mass shooting events in Charlottesville and Chesapeake late last year, it’s doubtful that a split legislature will pass any gun control legislation, based at least partly on campaign calculations, observers say. “Voting to restrict guns puts your primary renomination at risk if you’re a Republican,” Farnsworth says. “In the history of election-year sessions, [the rule is] do the minimum as fast as possible and get out of Richmond.”
Morrissey says decisions on what bills to file usually come down to a candidate’s priorities, as well as whether they hope to pass legislation via compromise in a divided legislature — although he planned to file a bill that would ban assault-style weapons, which is unlikely to pass.
“When it comes to some of these social issues, it’s fine to have your beliefs on that,” he says. “You don’t ever have to abandon your values, but remember you’re legislating for your entire district or the commonwealth of Virginia. That’s what goes through my head all the time.”
State Sen. Joe Morrissey battles for Petersburg casino BY KATE ANDREWS
We use cookies on our website to give you the most relevant experience by remembering your preferences and repeat visits. By clicking “Accept All”, you consent to the use of ALL the cookies. However, you may visit "Cookie Settings" to provide a controlled consent.
This website uses cookies to improve your experience while you navigate through the website. Out of these, the cookies that are categorized as necessary are stored on your browser as they are essential for the working of basic functionalities of the website. We also use third-party cookies that help us analyze and understand how you use this website. These cookies will be stored in your browser only with your consent. You also have the option to opt-out of these cookies. But opting out of some of these cookies may affect your browsing experience.
Necessary cookies are absolutely essential for the website to function properly. These cookies ensure basic functionalities and security features of the website, anonymously.
Cookie
Duration
Description
cookielawinfo-checkbox-analytics
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Analytics".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-functional
11 months
The cookie is set by GDPR cookie consent to record the user consent for the cookies in the category "Functional".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-necessary
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookies is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Necessary".
cookielawinfo-checkbox-others
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Other.
cookielawinfo-checkbox-performance
11 months
This cookie is set by GDPR Cookie Consent plugin. The cookie is used to store the user consent for the cookies in the category "Performance".
viewed_cookie_policy
11 months
The cookie is set by the GDPR Cookie Consent plugin and is used to store whether or not user has consented to the use of cookies. It does not store any personal data.
viewed_cookie_policy
11 months
The cookie is set by the GDPR Cookie Consent plugin and is used to store whether or not user has consented to the use of cookies. It does not store any personal data.
Functional cookies help to perform certain functionalities like sharing the content of the website on social media platforms, collect feedbacks, and other third-party features.
Performance cookies are used to understand and analyze the key performance indexes of the website which helps in delivering a better user experience for the visitors.
Analytical cookies are used to understand how visitors interact with the website. These cookies help provide information on metrics the number of visitors, bounce rate, traffic source, etc.
Advertisement cookies are used to provide visitors with relevant ads and marketing campaigns. These cookies track visitors across websites and collect information to provide customized ads.