Under the five-year task order, which HII announced Tuesday it had won, the division will use model-based systems engineering to develop, assess and implement technical solutions to improve cybersecurity, add capabilities and enable cloud migration on U.S. Defense Department communication and information technology networks.
“We are honored by the customer’s trust in HII and our approach,” Andy Green, HII executive vice president and Mission Technologies president, said in a statement. “As we advance their IT transformation goals, we are committed to delivering cutting-edge expertise and solutions that will have a direct, positive impact on our frontline warfighters.”
The U.S. Air Force’s 774th Enterprise Sourcing Squadron awarded the contract through the Defense Department’s Information Analysis Center Multiple Award Contract vehicle to develop the Defense Technical Information Center repository and support research and development.
Newport News-based Huntington Ingalls Industries is the nation’s largest military shipbuilder and the largest industrial employer in Virginia. The Fortune 500 company employs more than 44,000 workers. The Mission Technologies division has more than 7,000 employees and more than 100 facilities globally.
About 45,000 International Longshoremen’s Association (ILA) workers walked off the job midnight Tuesday at the Port of Virginia and every other major port along the East and Gulf coasts, launching the ILA’s first U.S. port strike in 47 years.
Dockworkers hit the picket lines after the union reached an impasse in contract negotiations with the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX), which represents shipping employers such as Maersk’s APM Terminals.
The port strike is the largest such action since 1977 and, depending on its length, it could cause massive disruptions to the nation’s supply chain and negatively affect the U.S. economy.
Outside of Virginia, other affected ports include: Baltimore; Boston; Brunswick, Georgia; Charleston, South Carolina; Houston; Mobile, Alabama; New Orleans; New York/New Jersey; Philadelphia, Savannah, Georgia; Tampa, Florida; and Wilmington, North Carolina. Here in Virginia, the immediate impact was felt at the Port of Virginia’s marine terminals in Hampton Roads, where no cargo is moving in or out of the port during the walkout. According to the port, there are no cargo operations taking place at Norfolk International Terminals, Virginia International Gateway or Newport News Marine Terminal, which are currently closed.
However, employees of the Virginia Port Authority and at its operating company, Virginia International Terminals, are still at work. “Richmond Marine Terminal (RMT) and Virginia Inland Port (VIP) are operating per normal, but cargo operations there will be affected by what is happening locally. Portsmouth Marine Terminal (PMT) is operating per normal,” the port said on its website Tuesday.
“The International Longshoremen’s Union and United States Maritime Alliance must reach a fair and equitable deal as soon as possible to ensure operations can continue at the Port of Virginia and other port facilities along the East and Gulf Coasts,” U.S. Sens. Mark Warner and Tim Kaine and U.S. Rep. Bobby Scott said in a statement Tuesday. “We urge both sides to work in good faith towards a new contract, and we’ll continue to monitor this situation as it develops.”
In a letter obtained by Virginia Business that was sent last week to President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin had urged the Biden administration to “take all actions under your authority to bring the U.S. Maritime Alliance and the International Longshoremen’s Association to the table to reach an agreement and avert a coastwide strike.” Youngkin issued a statement Tuesday: “Every day this strike of port workers along the East and Gulf coasts continues, the economic impacts intensify, affecting livelihoods, supply chains and prices. The economic fallout from the work stoppage at the Port of Virginia extends well beyond the commonwealth, as the port manages approximately $66 billion in essential imports, with nearly 60% destined for locations outside of Virginia. As a cornerstone of Virginia’s economy, the port supports 10% of the gross state product and supports employment for over half a million jobs in Virginia.”
The ILA and the USMX have been negotiating a new master contract to cover East Coast and Gulf Coast union workers. In Virginia, the Hampton Roads Shipping Association represents employers, while ILA Locals 970, 1248, 1624 and 1970 represent unionized workers at the Port of Virginia.
At Virginia International Gateway, Norfolk International Terminals and the Newport News Marine Terminal, picketers carried strike signs Tuesday morning and said they plan to be present 24 hours a day until the strike comes to an end. “People say we make a lot of money, but the work we do is very dangerous,” said picketer Derrick Perry, a 19-year Port of Virginia worker and a union spokesman for ILA Local 1970, which provides maintenance and repairs at the port. “We worked during COVID to keep the country running, and a lot of our fellow workers got COVID and died. At this point, we just want to be compensated. We are out here in solidarity. This is not something we want to do, but we have to because it affects so many people.”
Virginia impact
“The Port of Virginia is one of the three pillars of the Hampton Roads economy,” Old Dominion University economics professor Vinod Agarwal said Tuesday. “If something adverse happens to the port, Hampton Roads and the commonwealth will be affected.” The strike’s impact will increase the longer it lasts, added Agarwal, who is also deputy director of ODU’s Dragas Center for Economic Analysis and Policy. “About two-thirds of [all] cargo through Port of Virginia goes by train. Rail lines will also be impacted within a month or two. That’s when things get to be interesting, and you’ll see much more widespread impacts.”
Many businesses and workers will be affected if the strike lasts more than a week or two, and consumers will start to see empty shelves after about three months, Agarwal noted. And while many retailers purchased additional supplies in anticipation of the strike, especially with the holiday shopping season on the horizon, shortages could still occur depending on the length of the strike, he added. Virginia exporters — including agricultural producers — also will be affected. Overseas shippers are likely to reroute shipments to West Coast ports, which are not impacted by the strike, and from there, shipments will come to the East Coast by train.
“Obviously, that causes an increase in time and adds to the cost of shipments,” Agarwal said, and that could have long-term implications if shippers get used to sending their products to the West Coast and continue to do so after the strike ends.
Also impacted will be Virginia companies that import components from abroad that are assembled stateside; an example, Agarwal said, is power tools manufacturer Stihl, a German company with its U.S. headquarters and a major assembly plant in Virginia Beach. “If those companies don’t have enough supplies on hand to use in the production process, they will have to start laying off people.” “Truckers will also be losers if the strike continues,” he added. “Their services will no longer be needed, and it will take some time to catch up with lost earnings.”
“I think everybody has anticipated it,” Virginia Trucking Association President and CEO P. Dale Bennett said Tuesday. “For the past two weeks, the prospects of getting it resolved have looked dimmer and dimmer as time went on. Truckers, their primary businesses serving the Port of Virginia, are definitely going to be impacted. They’re looking to try to do other things, haul other kinds of freight that isn’t impacted by the [strike]. That equipment sitting idle isn’t making the revenue they need to make truck payments and pay employees and take care of other expenses that don’t go away because the freight’s not there.”
For the general public, “there’s a significant amount of goods that we use that come through the ports up down the East Coast and from the Gulf Coast, and that’s all come to a standstill,” Bennett added. “It’s estimated for every day there’s a work stoppage at these ports, it will take five to seven days to recover, so do the math.”
The Port of Virginia was busy last weekend, staying open extra hours to accommodate trucks seeking to pick up containers before the strike started, according to officials with Mount Crawford’s Interchange Group, a third-party logistics company with more than 3 million square feet of warehouse space and a fleet of 90 trucks.
David Bosserman, Interchange’s transportation general manager, said his company was able to get about 45 containers out of the port last weekend. Customers started calling last week, expressing concerns about getting products from the Port of Virginia’s Hampton Roads terminals, he said Tuesday.
Chris Thompson, Interchange’s vice president of business development, said that if the strike lasts a while, Interchange may pivot to other domestic trucking work not tied to the ports, including domestic shipping work on the spot market. A spot rate or spot quote is a one-time fee that a shipper pays to move a load or shipment at current freight market pricing.
“Short term, we can probably overcome a little bit of the … stoppage, but the longer this goes, the more of an impact this is going to have,” Bosserman said. “After that, we’re going to have to find alternative work.” Thompson says Interchange hopes to avoid layoffs, though.
Stihl Inc. President and CEO Chris Keffer called the Port of Virginia “crucial” to its success, “enabling us to export chainsaws and power tools from our Virginia-based manufacturing facility to over 80 countries. While we hope for a swift and mutually beneficial resolution, it’s important to note that Stihl has diversified its supplier base in recent years to mitigate the effects of short-term supply chain disruptions. We remain well-positioned with strong inventory levels both domestically and internationally to support our customers.”
Keffer said Tuesday that Stihl is making “minor adjustments to our import/export plans and closely monitoring the situation,” and that “there is no immediate impact to workers because of the strike.”
Ricardo Ungo, an assistant professor in ODU’s Department of Information Technology and Decision Sciences who specializes in supply chain research, said that consumers may start purchasing more supplies like toilet paper and paper towels than usual because of the strike — which in turn will lead to a faster decline in inventory. But so far, most Americans haven’t seen any direct impacts from the strike.
“When we talk about imports into the U.S., about 60% come by water to seaports on East and Gulf coasts,” Ungo said. “Out of that, about 75% to 80% are containers. Imports will simply get delayed. There will be costs associated with the original cost of storing items in a different part of the supply chain. It’s not that imports will disappear, but there will be delays and additional costs.”
International Longshoremen’s Association workers picket at the Port of Virginia’s terminals on Oct. 1, 2024. Photo by Mark Rhodes
A more immediate impact, Bennett noted, is due to damage from Hurricane Helene across Southwest Virginia, western North Carolina, eastern Tennessee and nearby regions. Road closures have impacted truckers, creating “a big unknown — trying to deal with the impacts of the hurricane. [The strike is] certainly going to have a detrimental impact on getting what those folks need to have. Hopefully it won’t delay their path to recovery.”
If the strike goes on very long, he added, “This is going to have a significant impact and certainly disrupt the supply chain, and that’s going to hurt. It’s going to hurt folks. We have signed onto a letter calling on the White House to do everything they can to bring the parties together and get this worked out. … There’s not a lot Congress can do about it. It’s strictly in the hands of the two parties involved under negotiations and the White House under the Taft-Hartley Act.”
Also known as the Labor Management Relations Act, the 1947 law limits unions from conducting certain kinds of actions, prohibiting jurisdictional and wildcat strikes, solidarity strikes and secondary boycotts, as well as letting the president intervene in labor disputes by calling an 80-day cooling-off period. However, Biden said Sunday that he doesn’t intend to intervene in the port strike.
Youngkin’s statement Tuesday called for Biden to take action. “The time for leadership is now, President Biden has the tools to remedy this situation for the Commonwealth of Virginia and the nation, including utilizing provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act. The well-being of Virginia and American workers, as well as the health of our economy, depends on a swift resolution to this strike. A failure to lead will only drive up prices, disrupt trade and exacerbate the challenges already faced by Virginians and Americans.”
In his letter last week to Biden and Harris, Youngkin faulted the White House for reports that “no substantive meetings have happened” between U.S. officials, USMX and the union since June, adding that “such inaction has jeopardized the economic security and well-being of America.” In addition to the national impact on supply chains for consumer goods, pharmaceuticals, manufacturing and agriculture, “Virginia’s largest industries, agriculture and forestry, would be severely impacted” by the port strike, Youngkin wrote.
“The Port of Virginia supports 10% of gross state product [and] 11% of total employment, including 2,600 longshoremen employed at the Port and approximately an equal number of truck operators. “In Virginia, employers and local ILA management have a productive relationship,” the governor added. “The Hampton Roads Shipping Association and the local ILA finished their negotiation in June. However, as you know, the national ‘master contract’ must be agreed and ratified before the ILA local members in the commonwealth can act.”
Rachel Shames, vice president of pricing and procurement for Norfolk-based logistics and trade compliance company CV International, said Tuesday she’s also watching to see how long the strike will last. “There are some that firmly believe that this will be two to three days, and they’ll come to an agreement and things will start moving again. There will be certainly a backlog … but if that were to happen … we’ll avoid the worst of potential disruption.”
However, if the strike extends into several weeks, “it will be much, much, much more disruptive,” Shames said, with costs increasing and being passed on to shippers and possibly consumers. “I think the question now is just … is this going to be over in a few days, and we can start digging out and moving forward, or is this going to last into the weeks, and impacts will be broader?” French shipping giant CMA CGM’s America operation, based in Norfolk, wrote to customers Tuesday that it implemented contingency plans ahead of the strike, noting: “For all cargo received on or after Oct. 11, a Local Port Charge (LPC) will apply as per the governing tariff(s). Cargo received on or after Oct. 11 will not be subject to additional operational costs.”
National impasse
“Even though the ILA’s members worked tirelessly during the pandemic to ensure that the nation’s commerce flowed and continue to sacrifice time with their own families so that goods can arrive in the homes of other families throughout the world, still, due to corporate greed, employers refuse to compensate the ILA’s members fairly,” the union said in a statement released last week.
“Over the last several years, the net revenues of these companies have grown astronomically from hundreds of millions to billions of dollars while ILA members’ wage increases do not even cover the cost of inflation. The ILA is fighting for respect, appreciation and fairness in a world in which corporations are dead set on replacing hardworking people with automation. Employers push automation under the guise of safety, but it is really about cutting labor costs to increase their already exceptionally high profits. As the last six years have demonstrated, automation cannot outperform the skilled men and women of the ILA. Automation of our nations’ ports should be a concern for everyone; the truth is, robots do not pay taxes, and they do not spend money in their communities. The ILA will continue to fight until its members receive the fair contract they deserve.”
In an update Monday night, the USMX wrote: “In the last 24 hours, the USMX and ILA have traded counter offers related to wages. The USMX increased our offer and has also requested an extension of the current master contract, now that both sides have moved off their previous positions. We are hopeful that this could allow us to fully resume collective bargaining around the other outstanding issues – in an effort to reach an agreement. Our offer would increase wages by nearly 50%, triple employer contributions to employee retirement plans, strengthen our health care options, and retain the current language around automation and semi-automation.”
However, the last-minute offers failed to prevent the strike. “USMX brought on this strike when they decided to hold firm to foreign-owned ocean carriers earning billion-dollar profits at United States ports but not compensate the American ILA longshore workers who perform the labor that brings them their wealth,” said ILA President Harold Daggett, who leads the 85,000-member union. “We are prepared to fight as long as necessary, to stay out on strike for whatever period of time it takes, to get the wages and protections against automation our ILA members deserve,” said Daggett.
Contributors to this story included Virginia Business Editor Richard Foster; freelance writer Beth Cooper; and NJBIZ, a BridgeTower Media publication.
Congressional races don’t get the big spotlight in presidential election years, but the bottom of the ballot is still important, as presidents need some legislative cooperation to get things done.
In Virginia, two-term Democratic U.S. Sen. Tim Kaine is seeking reelection against Republican challenger Hung Cao, a retired U.S. Navy captain. All 11 of Virginia’s U.S. House districts, currently held by six Democrats and five Republicans, are being contested as well.
Kaine photo courtesy Office of Senator Tim Kaine; Cao photo courtesy Hung Cao for U.S. Senate
Virginia’s races will play a role in control of the House, where Republicans hold a narrow majority, and the U.S. Senate, which Democrats control with a 51-49 majority.
The Kaine-Cao race will test whether Virginia can still be considered a reliably “blue” state. Except for the 2021 Republican sweep led by Gov. Glenn Youngkin, Democrats have won every statewide election going back to 2013.
In a statement to Virginia Business, Cao cheers “small business owners” who “create jobs and … are the backbone of our economy. We need to end burdensome regulations that squeeze small businesses out of existence.
“Far too often, only the biggest companies can comply with onerous and complicated regulations from government agencies. … Virginia can and should be a leader in industry innovation, from our national defense to energy dominance through clean American coal and small modular nuclear reactors.”
A former Virginia governor, Kaine also supports small businesses in a statement. “We have to do even more,” Kaine wrote. “Employers tell me that that they’re doing OK now but are worried about the future. A major worry is workforce. That’s why I use my position on the Armed Services and Health, Education, Labor and Pensions committees to prioritize career and technical training, work-based immigration reform and affordable child care that frees up skilled adults to fully engage in the workplace.”
In July, Kaine led Cao by 10 points in a poll of Virginia voters by Emerson College for The Hill.
As for the House, state Sen. John McGuire beat U.S. Rep. Bob Good in a GOP primary by fewer than 400 votes in Virginia’s 5th District. Good, chairman of the hard-right House Freedom Caucus, displeased party leadership by endorsing Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis for president over former President Donald Trump. Gloria Tinsley Witt won the less dramatic Democratic primary in June, but the seat is considered “safe Republican” by Sabato’s Crystal Ball.
Virginia’s 10th District in Northern Virginia also is an open seat; last fall, three-term incumbent Democratic U.S. Rep. Jennifer Wexton announced she would not seek reelection after being diagnosed with progressive supranuclear palsy. State Sen. Suhas Subramanyam, a Democrat, faces Republican opponent Mike Clancy. Biden won the district by 19 points in 2020, and it’s considered increasingly out of the reach of Republicans.
Virginia’s other open seat, in the 7th District, is becoming one of the most closely watched House races in the country. Democratic incumbent Rep. Abigail Spanberger, who flipped the seat in the 2018 midterms, announced last November she would step down to run for Virginia governor in 2025.
That led to packed primaries on both sides. U.S. Army veteran Derrick Anderson, a Republican, is running against another Army veteran, Democrat Eugene Vindman. Sabato’s Crystal Ball and the Cook Political Report both rank the race with a slight Democratic lean.
“The 7th is the most interesting and most competitive race in Virginia,” says A.J. Nolte, assistant professor in Regent University’s Robertson School of Government. “I think Republicans managed to get the do-no-harm candidate. Vindman is a first-time candidate. That can work out well for you … but there are always risks, especially with a first-time candidate who until not long ago was not a particularly progressive Democrat.”
A former deputy legal adviser for the National Security Council, Vindman already has something of a national profile, due to the roles he and his twin brother, retired Army Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, also with the NSC, played in reporting a phone call between Trump and Ukraine’s president that led to Trump’s first impeachment.
The 2nd District race is the other Virginia House race considered competitive, with first-term Republican U.S. Rep. Jen Kiggans defending the seat against Democrat Missy Cotter Smasal.
RELATED STORY: High stakes — either Harris or Trump presidency could have big impacts on Virginia
Less than three months ago, President Joe Biden — you remember him, right? — stepped down from his bid for a second term and threw his support behind Democratic nominee Vice President Kamala Harris, radically redefining this fall’s presidential race.
Just before that happened, we were beginning to write this month’s cover story about the race, which at that time was shaping up to be a rematch between the oldest U.S. presidential candidates in history — less the Thrilla in Manila and more the Scuffle over the Scooters.
Let’s not kid ourselves: None of the Trump-Biden debates in 2020 or 2024 were exactly Lincoln-Douglas affairs. It’s been quite a while since presidential debates were more about substance than soundbites and scoring points. But what the June 27 debate did do was illuminate the toll that age has taken on Biden, sparking efforts from within the Democratic Party’s most powerful players to seek his graceful exit from the campaign.
Biden’s debate performance was “the worst performance ever by a major party candidate in a general election presidential debate,” opined University of Virginia political sage Larry Sabato, though he was quick to qualify that didn’t “necessarily mean Trump turned in a good performance.”
Although Virginia was still trending blue, Biden was continuing to lose ground before Harris, 22 years his junior, took his place.
And then, on Sept. 10, following the first — and likely only — Trump-Harris debate, Trump’s campaign appeared to be going to the dogs. And cats.
The average American voter might not be able to remember exactly what the candidates said about abortion or supporting Ukraine, but they’ll likely remember this Trump quote about Haitian immigrants in Ohio: “In Springfield, they’re eating the dogs. The people that came in, they’re eating the cats. They’re eating — they’re eating the pets of the people that live there.”
ABC News debate moderators were quick to point out that Springfield city officials say there’s no factual basis for the outré allegations, which, as it turns out, were based on a Facebook post about a rumor from a friend of a friend of the poster’s neighbor’s daughter. The person who wrote the original Facebook post has since disavowed it, but that hasn’t stopped Trump and his running mate, U.S. Sen. JD Vance of Ohio, from continuing to insist that it’s true, prompting everything from silly memes to school bomb threats.
Here in Virginia, the presidential race is a high-stakes matter, with the careers of tens of thousands of Virginian federal workers potentially on the line, along with another trade war with China and the future of renewable energy projects such as Dominion Energy’s offshore wind farms. Read more about what the Trump and Harris campaigns are saying about key issues of importance to Virginia, as well as the latest on this year’s congressional races, in our October cover story by freelance writer Mason Adams.
But lest you take the wrong message from this short column, consider this: After 2016, it’s probably best not to trust polls. The smart money would never rule out former President Donald J. Trump and his loyal base — just ask Franklin County entrepreneur Whitey Taylor, whose Trump Town store you can read about on our StartVirginia page this month. Housed in a former Boones Mill church with a giant Donald Trump standing next to its entrance, Trump Town draws MAGA merch buyers from far and wide. And Taylor expects he’ll still be selling Trump ballcaps for decades to come.
The summer of 2024 brought better news for prospective homebuyers in Hampton Roads, with median home prices in the region starting to decrease and the number of homes for sale at a near four-year high.
The coastal region of Virginia has seen the same strains on the market as the rest of the country — higher interest rates and more demand than supply on the market — but trends for homebuyers in Hampton Roads bear better news. According to the region’s multiple listings service, the Real Estate Information Network, the median home-selling price in Hampton Roads reached an all-time high at $360,000 in June before falling slightly to $355,500 in July. Those figures still sat well below the June national average of $426,900 and the state’s average of $431,380.
“There is a bit of a competitive advantage there,” says Ryan Price, chief economist for Virginia Realtors, pointing to continued job growth in Hampton Roads paired with its relative affordability.
The market is especially strong in the “outer ring” of Hampton Roads, places like Suffolk and Smithfield, he adds, pointing to single-family-home permit volume for those communities.
The more populous areas in Hampton Roads also are attracting homebuyers. A Redfin survey of 2023 data showed 43% of mortgages in the region for that year went to buyers under age 35, ranking Hampton Roads eighth among the nation’s metro areas in that measure.
But data suggest the ongoing building in the region isn’t keeping up with demand, Price adds. The slower pace began with the housing crisis of 2008, he says, and has yet to catch up.
“There’s certainly an opportunity, but I think that really the key is going to be if the housing is going to be available,” he says.
First time buyers, including municipal workers, are still struggling to purchase houses in the region, several Hampton Roads mayors noted in an April panel discussion on affordable housing.
Still, Hampton Roads has some new developments on the way, including Home Associates of Virginia’s Ashburn Meadows development in Chesapeake, which is still in the planning stages. That project will add 398 housing units, 204 attached townhomes and 194 single-family homes, along with a self-storage facility and 2.5 acres reserved for commercial space.
HAV President Rob Prodan says the group plans to break ground on Ashburn Meadows in Great Bridge by the end of summer 2025, with the first homes expected to be move-in ready by the end of 2026, when he hopes conditions are better for homebuyers.
“Right now, the market is a little bit challenging with the uncertainty in politics and interest rates being as high as they are,” Prodan says. Along with the sharp interest rate increase, supply chain disruption caused by the pandemic raised construction costs 50% to 60%.
“And that’s not going away,” he says. “So, it’s going to take a little bit of time for things to settle out.”
Ashburn Meadows’ townhomes will begin in the middle to upper $400,000s, with single-family units costing up to the $800,000 range — prices that gave some residents pause at a public hearing before Chesapeake City Council approved the project in February.
Chesapeake Homes, meanwhile, will be building 1,400 housing units over the next decade at Lake Thrasher Landing in southeastern Chesapeake, replacing a landfill. That includes 265 condos, 365 townhomes and 472 apartments, a project that received unanimous approval from City Council in April, after the developers made some adjustments recommended by the city’s planning commission, which voted to deny the project.
Operations at the landfill will end by the middle of 2025, when construction can begin.
The top five daily news stories on VirginiaBusiness.com from Aug. 16 to Sept. 13 included news that LL Flooring is selling 219 stores and other assets to an entity connected to F9 Group, which is owned by Lumber Liquidators’ founder and former CEO, Tom Sullivan.
The owner of a home and mental health care services business pleaded guilty to one count of health care fraud and six counts of making false statements. (Aug. 28)
After declaring Chapter 11 bankruptcy, Henrico County’s LL Flooring signed an agreement to sell 219 stores and other assets to F9 Investments. (Sept. 7)
Robin Rogers beckons visitors on a summer hard-hat tour of the expanded Chrysler Museum’s Perry Glass Studio into the primary theater space. Though the space with a catwalk and second floor raked seating will hold 220 people, twice as many as the old space, it will retain the intimacy visitors have enjoyed during demonstrations of Glass After Dark performances. “Right when you walk in, you’re going to see the action happening,” he says.
The new theater space has audio-visual improvements over its predecessor including giant screens, a sound system and a second-level space where a band can plug in, making it adaptable for a variety of uses, including business events and parties.
Rogers, the glass studio’s manager and program director, says the theater is one of two hot shops in the expansion, which triples the size of the facility and doubles the educational and program offerings. The other will be used for classes and collaborations with area universities and the Governor’s School for the Arts.
The museum dipped its toes in interactive art by opening the studio in 2011. “The glass studio itself was really an experiment,” Rogers says. “The museum built it to see what would happen if we brought glass making to life and the experiment went really well.”
Well enough, according to Erik Neil, director of the museum, that the demand for classes and for local artists to use the facility eventually exceeded capacity. The expansion will meet that demand and create dedicated classrooms for things like fused glass and stained glass.
“People have enjoyed having that interactive part of art either practicing themselves or witnessing the daily demos,” he says. “It enlivens the whole artistic experience.”
The museum raised $56 million for the expansion from about 300 donors, including a couple of dozen major contributors and the state and city of Norfolk.
Classes in the new space began in August, and daily demonstrations started in September. The renovation of the old studio is expected to be complete by January with an opening celebration for the expanded studio in April.
The entrance to the glass studio has been moved to the side of the new addition facing the main museum with a serpentine path between them, a symbol they are one institution.
“The Chrysler Museum really encompasses the glass studio,” Neil says. “I think it’s one of the solutions where the Chrysler has shown how we’re going to stay a relevant institution going into the future. People go to the glass studio and then they come over to Chrysler and they maybe visit an exhibition, they have lunch, all that kind of stuff. It’s really part of the whole experience.”
This is an online-only Hampton Roads Business story.
As part of Amazon.com’s growing presence in Virginia, the tech giant is coming to the Virginia Beach area in the form of a 650,000-square-foot fulfillment center and a 219,000-square-foot delivery station. It is an endeavor with $350 million in investments and is expected to create more than 1,000 jobs. Construction remains on track, according to Amazon. The robotics fulfilment center, a five-floor facility with 55 loading docks, is expected to open in 2025. The delivery station, meanwhile, is scheduled to open near the end of 2024.
Photo courtesy Bon Secours
Bon Secours Harbour View Medical Center
Suffolk
After breaking ground in October 2022, construction on the Bon Secours Harbour View Medical Center — an expansion to the existing Harbour View campus in Suffolk — is still on track to be finished in March 2025, with plans to welcome the facility’s first patients in the second quarter of that year.
The $80 million, 98,000-square-foot hospital roughly doubles the size of the facilities on the Harbour View campus. It is a three-story building that will have 18 inpatient beds and four operating rooms, along with associated pre-operative and recovery spaces, and capacity to further expand vertically should need arise.
As of late June, installation of the hospital’s elevators and storefront and facility windows is complete, and the hanging of drywall and installation of sprinkler piping is in process.
A $350 million joint project between music and fashion superstar Pharrell Williams and Venture Realty Group, Atlantic Park will span multiple acres and contain a surf lagoon and bungalows; a 3,500-person amphitheater; 300 apartments; more than 100,000 square feet of retail, restaurant and office space; two parking garages; and half a mile of upgraded public streets.
In late August, general contractor W.M. Jordan Co. laid the lowest depths of the Atlantic Park wave pool, which is expected to be open in May 2025. A wave machine is expected to be installed in October. Also, the $54.8 million amphitheater known as “The Dome” is set to be complete for a May 2025 opening.
Norfolk real estate developer Marathon Development Group is building a 239-unit, $50 million apartment complex on West Olney Road, part of Norfolk’s Neon District. The apartment complex will contain studio, one-, two- and three-bedroom units ranging in size from 498 to 1,733 square feet. Construction was not yet complete in July, but the project’s developers expected to have initial residents arrive in August, and the leasing office had started accepting applications and offering hard hat tours.
Photo courtesy Virginia Department of Transportation
The commonwealth’s largest transportation project to date — valued at $3.9 billion — is approximately halfway done with construction. The project entails construction, expansion and renovation along the 10-mile stretch of Interstate 64 from Hampton to Norfolk. Half of Hampton’s Mallory Street Overpass has been demolished and replaced with a new bridge of a greater span length. Traffic was set to be shifted there in late summer so work can begin to replace the other half of the bridge.
Construction on the North Trestle — an eight-lane bridge between Hampton and the HRBT North Island — is also half done. The new four-lane eastbound North Trestle was opened for public use in May and is currently serving two lanes of traffic. North Island was expanded by 15 acres. Both the second halves of the new Mallory Street Overpass and the North Trestle are expected to be complete in 2026, in the fall and summer, respectively.
The South Trestle — an eight-lane bridge between HRBT South Island and Norfolk’s Willoughby Spit — is more than 70% complete. VDOT expects to make traffic shifts onto the structure starting in 2025. Road widening and rehabilitation of the Willoughby Bay Bridge, along with construction for Norfolk roadway spanning from Willoughby Spit to Patrol Road, is also in progress.
Mary, the project’s tunnel boring machine, has finished mining from South to North Island, meaning the first of the project’s two new two-lane bored tunnels is complete. So far, Mary has excavated 7,941 feet and installed 1,191 concrete rings. It will take approximately five months to rotate and reassemble Mary for her second tunnel boring back to South Island. The trip is expected to start late September and finish in summer 2025.
Finally, the expanded bridge-tunnel is expected to be open to traffic in February 2027, with final projects like landscaping expected to be finished in August 2027.
The northern portion of the city’s longstanding seafood harbor is set to undergo a harbor dredging, dock replacements, and a seafood market installation. All of the projects are expected to commence construction between January and July 2025.
Demolition of existing 130-feet-long wooden docks and dredging will take place first, followed by the construction of new piers with concrete decking and pilings and safety features. The replacement docks are expected to expand capacity to 10 to 12 boats and have a recreational dock for transient boats visiting the upcoming market.
Designs for the dredging cost $123,000 and are now complete, with dredging work estimated to cost $1.75 million. Designs for the dock improvements cost $239,000 and wrapped up in July. Construction for the dock improvements — estimated to cost $5 million — are expected to begin this coming winter. The planned seafood market will be located near the piers and is expected to span roughly 7,800 square feet. The market’s design cost $802,000, and construction is estimated to cost approximately $9 million.
The red, white and blue Trump Town sign hanging high upon a former Boones Mill church is as prominent as a sign can be without being lit by neon. But in case drivers passing through town somehow miss it, there’s also a 15-foot cutout of a smiling Donald J. Trump leaning up against the building, which once was home to Boones Mill Christian Church and, later, Freemasons before transforming in 2020 into a retailstore packed with merchandise celebrating the 45th president.
It’s a spectacle so grand, locals bring their out-of-town friends and relatives, brags Trump Town owner Donald “Whitey” Taylor. On a Friday in August, Susan Whitaker of Rocky Mount and her friend Louie Carbaugh, who was visiting from California, came to marvel at the shop at U.S. 220 and Bethlehem Road. “I’ve never seen a Trump store around L.A.,” Carbaugh says.
Boones Mill Town Manager B.T. Fitzpatrick doesn’t believe Trump Town has made a significant impact on tourism in the area. “It’s pretty much been the same, other than the fact that some people just come by just to see it,” he says.
However, there have been some complaints about the dozens of Trump signs found on the lawn of Trump Town. Not long after the Trump-themed store opened, town officials sent Taylor a letter noting that he was violating the town’s sign ordinance.
“We have not taken any code enforcement action on [Taylor] because, and this is where it gets kind of complex, his signs are his merchandise,” explains Fitzpatrick. “So, if I make him take all his signs down and put them inside his building, then I have to go to all the other businesses that have outdoor merchandise and tell them to do the same thing.”
Taylor, 74, also owns Franklin County Speedway, where he built a reputation for boosting racing attendance by staging pig races, mud wrestling matches and wet T-shirt contests. To increase foot traffic at Trump Town, Taylor set up a pen outside the store for three donkeys (dubbed Kamala, Hillary and Pelosi) but later rehomed them after deciding the smell might drive away customers.
Even without burros, business is good, says Taylor, who won’t disclose revenue. “I’m eating really good out of this,” he says. “I eat steak, even though … [the price is] so high with Biden in office.”
Trump Town’s four part-time employees have sold dozens of pairs of $199 gold Trump sneakers, but hats and flags remain the store’s bread-and-butter, notes Taylor, who says the store saw between 60 to 90 customers an hour immediately following the July 13 assassination attempt against Trump.
A proud attendee of more than 50 Trump rallies, Taylor claims to have spoken with the former president on three occasions.
Trump, Taylor tells customers, sent his helicopter pilot to scope the store, but the U.S. Secret Service vetoed the visit. (Asked for comment, a Secret Service spokesperson states that the agency “has no record of a request for former President Trump to visit Boones Mill.”)
Regardless of the presidential election‘s outcome, Taylor, who is currently running for mayor in Boones Mill, thinks demand for Make America Great Again ballcaps won’t be diminishing anytime soon.
“This store will still sell merchandise 20 years from now,” he says.
In late 2020, the Air Force made headlines when it announced that an artificial intelligence co-pilot, named ARTUµ, helped command and control a U.S. military spy plane for the first time in history.
If the name, pronounced R-2, sounds familiar, it is. Think R2-D2, or “Artoo,” Luke Skywalker’s lovable droid and X-Wing copilot from the “Star Wars” franchise. Except this was not a galaxy far away, but Beale Air Force Base in California.
ARTUµ controlled sensors and tactical navigation of a U-2 Dragon Lady on a reconnaissance training mission out of Beale on Dec. 15, 2020. It was charged with searching for enemy missile launchers while the plane’s human pilot, known only by the call sign “Vudu,” searched for enemy aircraft during a simulated missile strike.
The tech, developed by McLean-based Fortune 500 contractor Booz Allen Hamilton and Air Force researchers, modified an open-source gaming algorithm and ran more than 1 million training simulations in a lab — a “digital Dagobah,” Will Roper, who then served as the service’s assistant secretary for acquisition technology and logistics, wrote in an editorial for Popular Mechanics. ARTUµ was mission-ready in just over a month.
“Failing to realize AI’s full potential will mean ceding decision advantage to our adversaries,” Roper said at the time.
Fast-forward four years and AI’s technological advancements have continued, transforming lives and — controversially — livelihoods as it becomes more entrenched in the workplace. At the same time, the military has continued to cite how critical AI will remain in helping the U.S. outpace its adversaries. Even as the Pentagon faces ongoing tensions in the Middle East amid the conflict between Israel and Hamas, and in Europe with Russia’s ongoing war on Ukraine, military leaders are refocusing for the potential of a wide-ranging battle with China in the Pacific that would most likely unfold across sea, air, land, space and cyberspace.
Virginia’s defense contractors are at the cusp of that work, with a hand in some of the largest and most transformative AI projects on behalf of the military. Those range from warfighting tools like unmanned vehicles to generative AI software to perform mundane business support tasks like military personnel record searches. That’s work that could be game changing for the military at a time when budgets and manpower are tight and harnessing data could be key to maintaining the upper hand against an adversary.
“We try to focus on mission meets innovation,” says Holly Levanto, who is overseeing delivery of AI and digital solutions for Booz Allen Hamilton’s defense clients. Photo by Shannon Ayres
“I think that the eye is on the prize … when it comes to [the Department of Defense] right now, from the perspective of this is something we have to do from a national security point of view based on threats that we see from other nation states,” says Jason Payne, chief technology officer for Arlington County-based Microsoft Federal, which currently has a contract worth as much as $21.9 billion to produce more than 100,000 AI-enhanced goggles for the Army. “We know that near-peer competitors are investing heavily in this technology.”
Crunching data
The Pentagon is also investing heavily in AI technology. Its fiscal 2025 budget request, which totals $850 billion and was released in March, includes $1.8 billion for AI spending as well as an additional $1.4 billion for the department’s Combined Joint All-Domain Command and Control project, an ambitious departmentwide effort to connect “sensors to shooters to targets” globally.
But those dollar figures, the Pentagon admits, don’t likely tell the full story. With AI involved in so many programs, the Pentagon’s comptroller has acknowledged it’s difficult to provide a detailed breakdown of its AI investments. Even pinning down the exact number of AI defense projects is challenging. A 2022 Government Accountability Office report found that the DOD had at least 685 ongoing AI projects spanning the military service — a figure based on procurement and research and development dollars.
While those numbers may not offer a ton of clarity on the scope to which the Pentagon is looking toward AI, they do underscore the importance of it for the military, and Virginia contractors are benefiting from that desire.
Booz Allen Hamilton bills itself as the largest supplier of AI services to the federal government, with more than 300 active projects involving AI, according to Holly Levanto, a vice president overseeing the delivery of AI and digital solutions for Booz Allen’s U.S. defense clients.
“We try to focus on mission meets innovation,” Levanto says.
That work has included some of the Pentagon’s largest AI projects to date, including an $800 million, five-year task order awarded in 2020 to integrate and develop AI for the warfighter in the Alliant 2 Joint Warfighter Task Order, as well as a $885 million, five-year task order awarded in 2018 to help the DOD sift through its enormous amount of reconnaissance data — a project called Enterprise Machine Learning Analytics and Persistent Services, or eMAPS — through the deployment of AI and neural and deep neural networks. Booz Allen won a $1.5 billion recompete for the project in 2022.
Focusing on those mission areas has meant incorporating AI in ways to parse data faster. As an example, the Navy gathers vast amounts of data from its ships, Levanto says. Booz Allen has turned raw naval message traffic into tabular data that can be more easily and quickly analyzed to pinpoint trends.
“We can send AI models to the edge at the point of data collection,” says Levanto, a former naval surface warfare officer. “And so, we have some real-world scenarios where we’ve done that in points on the battlefield.”
Booz Allen also launched a venture capital fund in 2022 to sharpen its tech capabilities. It has now invested in 10 companies, eight of which are AI-focused, Levanto says. That included an investment in Wisconsin-based RAIC Labs, which developed a model- generating platform using unstructured data. In 2023, RAIC made headlines when its tech was used to track a Chinese intelligence balloon that traveled over the U.S. before being shot down by a military jet off the coast of South Carolina.
“Our ultimate goal is to get the Department of Defense to be able to utilize these leading commercial technologies … and so we need to help bridge that,” Levanto says.
Falls Church-based General Dynamics Information Technology, a subsidiary of Reston-based Fortune Global 500 aerospace and defense contractor General Dynamics, is also no stranger to big defense contracts involving AI, or those that involve wrangling large sets of data.
In March, GDIT received a $922 million contract to modernize enterprise IT infrastructure for U.S. Central Command, which directs and enables U.S. and allied military operations across the Middle East and a portion of Africa.
Data is the biggest barrier to AI, says GDIT’s Brandon Bean, the AI and machine learning leader for the company’s defense division. That includes data quality and integrity as well as accessing old, siloed IT architectures. Where it used to be that applications were built to create data as a byproduct, the paradigm has shifted. Now, data “is what the application is built to support,” Bean says. “The data comes first.”
At a September conference hosted by GDIT at Amazon’s HQ2 headquarters, John Hale, chief of cloud services for the Defense Information Systems Agency, discussed how DOD is working with contractors to update antiquated computer code with AI.
“We’re using AI capabilities to … modernize legacy code that all the people who ever wrote it are long gone,” Hale said. “And you know, it’s not perfect, but it gets us like 85 to 90% of the way there, and then we’re able to manually fill in that last 10 to 15% to bring these applications into the 21st century.”
For CENTCOM, GDIT is tasked with creating data analytical services to support decision-making across nearly 20 networks and building data centricity and literacy across the command. By leveraging AI, including incorporating data tagging, what has previously required a more tedious process of manual data sampling of mountains of records can be extrapolated much faster, giving commanders the potential to better evaluate what worked during missions, or develop trainings based on lessons learned. It could also help service members to prove justifications for injuries that may not have been recorded in their medical records, Bean says.
AI in the cockpit
While AI is helping the Defense Department wrangle large amounts of data for higher level decision-making, the Pentagon is also incorporating AI in weapons systems and for operational use by warfighters. And that tech is getting increasingly advanced.
In May, Air Force Secretary Frank Kendall, who has advocated for the military’s use of AI, rode in an F-16 Fighting Falcon that was controlled by AI in a dogfight exercise against another F-16 flown by a human. Relying on sensors, California-based Shield AI developed the program used by the Air Force during the flight. In March, Arlington County-based Boeing announced a collaboration with Shield AI to develop autonomous and AI technologies for defense programs. Boeing declined to comment for this story.
With AI in the cockpit, the technology shows no signs of slowing down, including in a variety of unmanned vehicles, which will be a key component in future battles, with several drone initiatives underway by the Pentagon and military branches.
At Newport News-based Huntington Ingalls Industries, Virginia’s largest industrial employer and the nation’s only builder of nuclear-powered aircraft carriers, computer vision and recognition technologies have improved to the point where autonomous undersea vehicles like the company’s REMUS platform can be used to hunt for targets, gather intelligence and respond to findings without having to report back to the surface, says Andrew Howard, senior director of unmanned surface vehicles and autonomy programs within HII‘s Mission Technologies division.
“Based on … customer comfort with things, different use cases, they could either update its survey pattern based on that information, or they could use that as the cue to pass information back to a surface operator to … take action based on that,” Howard says. “So, it’s really kind of made the information a bit more actionable than it used to be.”
The Navy in December 2023 announced that it had successfully launched and recovered a REMUS “Yellow Moray” drone via torpedo tubes on the USS Delaware, a Virginia-class attack submarine commissioned in 2022 and built by HII in partnership with General Dynamics’ Connecticut-based Electric Boat subsidiary. The Navy has said it could field the program for its submarine fleet later this year.
Meanwhile, the Marine Corps has been testing similar surface-level technology for its Long-Range Unmanned Surface Vessel (LRUSV) program using technology developed by HII that uses cameras and machine learning to identify and classify targets for maritime domain awareness, Howard adds. The drone’s tech passes intelligence to an operations center for action. Based on that feedback, the drone can then update its mission and shadow an intended target if called upon to act.
Gathering intelligence with less risk to warfighters can help save lives. Making that information more readily available can make work easier, too.
Reston-based Fortune 1000 contractor CACI International offers the DarkBlue Intelligence Suite, a tool that incorporates various AI techniques, including computer vision and image processing, to help analysts in dark web investigations and tracking. The company received a $239 million six-year task order in August to provide intelligence analysis and operations, including the DarkBlue suite, to the Army’s Europe and Africa command.
AI is also helping the Marines step into the metaverse. In October 2023, Fairfax’s CGI Federal, the U.S.-based arm of the Canadian professional services and consultancy, announced that it successfully completed a $34 million pilot to digitally twin the Florida-based Marine Corps Platform Integration Center’s assets into a virtual world by tagging its inventory and helping the service track its assets in real time. Being able to keep up with equipment like tanks as they travel the world could be of huge importance in a distributed battle across the Pacific, where troops could set up on airfields constructed on austere island chains. It could also help the service track maintenance needs and predict trends across vehicle fleets, says CGI Vice President Stephanie Ackman, who leads the company’s technology practice for defense, space and intelligence clients.
“When the rubber meets the road … [does a taxpayer] care about where the stuff is?” Ackman asks. “Yes, but they care more so about the safety of the individuals that are down range.”
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