Please ensure Javascript is enabled for purposes of website accessibility
Upcoming Event

Best Places to Work in Virginia

Hamburger Menu Hamburger Menu

Tag: Republican Party of Virginia

On the cusp

Once again, Virginia is a significant factor in this year’s national electoral playing field, in which Democrats are jockeying to stay in power and Republicans are anticipated to make midterm gains.

Three congressional districts in the commonwealth — all held by Democratic female incumbents — are considered vulnerable to the GOP by differing degrees.

The competitive races in Virginia’s 2nd, 7th and 10th congressional districts not only will determine which party will hold the majority of the state’s 11 newly redrawn districts, but whether Republicans can regain control in the U.S. House of Representatives.

In Hampton Roads, Democratic incumbent U.S. Rep. Elaine Luria is running for re-election against Republican state Sen. Jennifer Kiggans in the 2nd District. Luria’s prominence as part of the Jan. 6 congressional investigation has amplified her role at the Capitol but also made her more of a target, especially after Democratic-leaning parts of Norfolk were drawn out of the district after the 2020 U.S. Census. 

The University of Virginia’s Center for Politics ranked the Kiggans-Luria race as a toss-up in late August, and the competitive 7th District was deemed “leans Democratic,” favoring incumbent U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger, who is running against Republican Yesli Vega, a Prince William County supervisor and auxiliary deputy with the county sheriff’s office. The 2021 redrawing of Virginia’s districts shifted Spanberger’s district to the north, removing Richmond’s suburbs and including Fredericksburg and the counties of Prince William, Stafford, Culpeper, Orange and Greene, among others.

Democratic incumbent U.S. Rep. Abigail Spanberger is running for her third term in the newly redrawn 7th District. Photo by Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via AP Images

Finally, there’s Northern Virginia’s 10th District, where Democratic incumbent U.S. Rep. Jennifer Wexton is defending a seat she flipped in 2018. Wexton’s opponent is Hung Cao, a retired U.S. Navy captain who emerged from a crowded GOP primary of 10 prospective challengers. It’s not likely to flip, state political analysts say, but if it does, it would likely signal a massive Republican wave. Think 2014, when the GOP won 247 seats in the House of Representatives — a 59-seat majority — during Barack Obama’s last term as president.

“Virginia’s interesting in terms of the [potential GOP] wave,” says A.J. Nolte, assistant professor in the Robertson School of Government at Virginia Beach’s Regent University. “If you think about [a] beach analogy, if Luria wins, Democrats aren’t even getting their toes wet. If Hung Cao wins, they probably didn’t spend enough money on flood insurance.”

August polling in Virginia showed Spanberger with a 5-point edge over Vega, and Luria also leading Kiggans by 5 points.

National headwinds

Earlier in the year, the conventional wisdom viewed a GOP sweep of the House and Senate this fall as increasingly likely, amid low approval ratings plaguing President Joe Biden, gas exceeding $5 a gallon and inflation hitting its highest rate in four decades. Now, that outcome is less sure, political observers note.

The U.S. Supreme Court’s June ruling to overturn Roe vs. Wade, leaving many states without access to legalized abortion due to state trigger laws, has energized Democratic and some independent voters who want to see a Democratic-controlled Congress pass federal legislation to allow abortions. Biden and House Democrats sought to pass laws this year, but the tightly controlled Senate — as well as a filibuster rule that required a 60-vote majority to enact legislation — prevented it.

But after that predicted failure, gas prices declined below $3.50 and Biden notched some successes: pledging to forgive up to $20,000 in student loans for Pell Grant recipients and other people with federal loans due, as well as passing inflation reduction, infrastructure and semiconductor chips spending bills.

Another possible factor governing voter enthusiasm: The raid on Mar-a-Lago, in which FBI agents recovered thousands of classified documents at former President Donald Trump’s Florida resort in August as part of an investigation into violations of the Espionage Act, obstruction of justice and criminal handling of government records. Although it’s not clear that Trump or anyone else will be criminally charged in connection with the investigation, the event has stoked partisan emotions. In a Sept. 1 prime-time address to the nation, Biden condemned “MAGA Republicans” who support Trump’s false claims of a stolen 2020 election, unprovable cases of election fraud and violent political statements like those that led up to the Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection at the U.S. Capitol.

In Hampton Roads, U.S. Rep. Elaine Luria, the Democratic incumbent, is running a tight race for a third term after redrawn boundaries erased Democratic-leaning parts of Norfolk from the 2nd District. Photo by AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

In a Wall Street Journal poll conducted Aug. 17-25, 64% of Republican respondents said they’re more likely to vote in November due to the FBI search, while 37% of independent voters and 36% of Democrats said they were more likely to vote because of the search.

In August, Democrats celebrated the congressional win of Mary Peltola in Alaska, where she becomes the first Alaska Native woman to hold congressional office. The special election was held to replace the late U.S. Rep. Don Young, but a second regular election takes place in November. Among Peltola’s opponents in August and this fall is former GOP vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin, who has since complained about the state’s use of a ranked-choice ballot in the special election.

Palin’s August loss aside, many experts still predict Republicans will win control of the House of Representatives this fall — but The Cook Political Report wrote in September that a GOP majority in the House is “no longer a foregone conclusion.”

The party in control of the White House historically performs poorly in midterm elections — and Biden’s approval ratings have been historically low.

As of Sept. 1, Rasmussen and Wall Street Journal polls showed Biden’s job approval rating at 44% and 45%, respectively, while 54% disapproved, putting him 9 to 10 percentage points underwater. Polling site FiveThirtyEight also had Biden’s approval rate at a similar 42.3% on Sept. 15.

Democrats in Virginia are well aware of the possibility of failure, as Gov. Glenn Youngkin led a GOP sweep last November of the state’s top offices, with Republicans also regaining control of the Virginia House of Delegates. Pundits noted in 2021 that the party in control of the White House has historically lost the governor’s race the following year, and with significant numbers of suburban voters having jumped on the affable, fleece-vest-wearing Youngkin’s bandwagon, Republicans won their first statewide victories since 2009.

The Republican Party of Virginia say it’s a reaction to the public’s displeasure with Democrats and the Biden White House. “Virginians are tired of the Biden administration’s failed policy agenda that is hurting American families at the pump, the grocery store and everywhere in between,” says Ellie Sorensen, the state party’s press secretary.

Yet Virginia Democrats say abortion rights — which are currently protected in Virginia by Democrats’ narrow majority in the state Senate — are a major incentive for liberal-leaning voters to vote this year and next.

“It comes down to choice for everyone who lives here,” says Democratic Party of Virginia Chair Susan Swecker. “Do you want to elect officials who will defend reproductive rights or empower those who want to rip them away?”

Nevertheless, analysts opine that Biden’s low approval ratings and rising inflation still tilt the odds slightly toward the GOP.

“I still view it as a Republican-leaning midterm environment,” says Kyle Kondik, managing editor of Sabato’s Crystal Ball, an online political newsletter and election handicapper produced by the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia.

Setting boundaries

Virginia’s congressional candidates are running in new districts for the first time in a decade. Virginia’s new bipartisan redistricting commission deadlocked after the 2020 Census, leading to the Virginia Supreme Court appointing experts to draw the districts.

The new maps tilted Luria’s district slightly more Republican.

“The map still favors Republicans, although the new map has fewer wasted Democratic votes,” says Amanda Wintersieck, associate professor at Virginia Commonwealth University. “The 2nd was a safer district for Democrats prior to redrawing lines. Today it is more Republican.”

The 2nd District consists largely of Hampton Roads communities, centered on the Republican-leaning swing city of Virginia Beach. Its congressional seat has flipped between political parties four times since 2000. Luria is running to hold it in a challenging atmosphere, against a strong candidate in state Sen. Kiggans.

Republican State Sen. Jen Kiggans is opposing Luria in the 10th District race, which U.Va.’s Center for Politics deemed a toss-up in late August. Photo by AP Photo/Steve Helber

Kiggans says her time in the Virginia Senate has given her “a firsthand look at the danger and insanity of liberal, one-party political rule here in the commonwealth,” the nurse practitioner and Navy veteran helicopter pilot says. Her first two years in the Senate, after she won a seat in 2019 formerly held by Democrats, coincided with Democratic control of both legislative houses and the top three state offices.

“I’m running for Congress to restore American strength in our economy, communities, borders and our military,” Kiggans says. “Virginians are suffering at the gas pump, at the grocery store and everywhere in between. Americans have a choice whether or not they want to continue like this for two more years or make a change.”

Luria, who also was a naval officer before taking congressional office in 2019, cites her experience running a business as a formative experience, saying it led her to lobby the General Assembly “to change the restrictive licensing red tape on businesses like mine and expand opportunities for others.” (Luria and her husband established and later sold a small local retail chain and art studio, The Mermaid Factory, specializing in mermaid-themed souvenirs.)

“Supporting the business community remains one of my top priorities in Congress,” Luria says, “and I am committed to ensuring businesses and working families have the resources they need to thrive.”

As for her participation in the House of Representatives’ Jan. 6 select committee, Luria says the day of the U.S. Capitol raid was “one of the darkest days of our democracy,” and adds that protecting the country’s democratic institutions is a key part of her oath to uphold the Constitution.

Chris Saxman, executive director of Virginia FREE and a former Republican delegate, says this argument probably matters less in the 2nd District than it would in areas closer to Washington, D.C.

“It’s important to differentiate the 2nd from statewide,” Saxman says. “The level of intensity against Trump in the Northern Virginia area is off the charts, because he ran against the swamp. ‘Drain the swamp’ — that’s Northern Virginia. There’s deep antipathy for Donald Trump in that area, [but] with him not on the ballot, I don’t know how much of an accelerant and stimulant it is for anti-Trump voters.”

The 7th District is considered only slightly less competitive than the 2nd. Spanberger defeated two-term Republican U.S. Rep. David Brat to win election in 2018 amid the same Democratic wave that put Luria and Wexton in office. Redistricting saw the 7th District lose some Republican-leaning Richmond suburbs but pick up more Democratic-leaning Northern Virginia suburbs.

“It’s a mildly-leaning-Democratic seat,” Kondik says. “Biden won it by 7 points. It’s probably one of the most expensive, high- profile House races in all the country. Republicans look at this and say, ‘This is the type of seat that should flip in a year like this.’”

Because of the boundary shifts, Spanberger is new to many of its voters and has had to reintroduce herself. The former CIA officer has walked a fine line — pushing back against party leader Nancy Pelosi and the progressive House “squad” — to win and retain her previous district, which was held by Republicans for more than three decades.

“In no particular order, the issues that I hear Virginians talk about the most are high costs at the grocery store and pharmacy counter, public safety and the fundamental threat to privacy as a result of the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade,” Spanberger says. “I’m focused on moving solutions forward that businesses know will help all Virginians get ahead — like strengthening support for workforce training programs, cutting burdensome and unnecessary red tape, and expanding high-speed broadband internet access.”

A Prince William County supervisor and former police officer, Vega decries how “massive government handouts” during the pandemic disrupted the economy.

“The economy is the top issue for voters in our district right now,” Vega says. “Our country is in a recession and people are struggling to make ends meet with soaring gas and food prices. With the cost of living through the roof, my top priority will be working to relieve the burden of increased costs on our nation’s citizens and reduce unnecessary taxes and regulations that are crushing our small businesses.”

In late August, The Cook Political Report moved the race from a toss-up to “leans Democratic.” Kondik gives Spanberger an edge as well. “My guess is she and her campaign will be able to make some hay out of what Vega has said about abortion,” he says.

In June at a Stafford County event, Vega expressed support for more restrictions on abortion, before adding, “The left will say, ‘Well, what about in cases of rape or incest?’ I’m a law enforcement officer. I became a police officer in 2011. I’ve worked one case where as a result of a rape, the young woman became pregnant.”

Spanberger tweeted that her opponent’s words were “extreme and ignorant,” and the state Democratic party has continued to push the issue in statements through the summer.

But Regent University’s Nolte says Vega’s comments likely will make less difference to voters than economic issues.

“In a neutral economy, social issues are potentially a very effective wedge,” Nolte says. “Inflation numbers and gas prices have gone down some. They would have to go down a lot further for this not to be an economic election and referendum on Biden.”

The 10th District only recently flipped after being represented by Republicans since 1981. Democrat Wexton defeated incumbent Republican Barbara Comstock in 2018 by 13 points and held the seat by the same margin in 2020.

“It’s been my top priority to bring down costs for Virginians and ease the burden of inflation on families’ budgets,” Wexton says. “I’m proud that we’ve passed major legislation to lower health care and prescription drug costs, take meaningful action to combat climate change and ensure a healthy planet for our future, and tackle inflation while reducing the deficit.”

Analysts see the 10th District as less competitive than either the 2nd or 7th.

“Biden won it by 18 points, and Republicans don’t hold any districts currently that came close to that margin,” Kondik says. “The best Biden district they hold is 10 or 11 points. It flips if it’s a mega [GOP] wave. I’m skeptical of that. It’s still a Republican wave year, but not quite as sharp as most wave years.”

Nolte also ranks the 10th as the least competitive of Virginia’s three districts in play. But he sees a possible route for Republicans, particularly if Cao can pull big numbers among Asian voters. Nolte also identifies an additional campaign dynamic to watch: Youngkin’s travels to support GOP candidates in other states.

Democrats have used his busy travel schedule — including trips to Michigan, Georgia, Kansas, Maine, New Mexico and Oregon — to question his interest in serving as governor, and Youngkin has not definitively said he is uninterested in a presidential run.

“It’s not too early to start thinking about 2024,” Nolte says — a nod to the next presidential election. “Watch the endorsements and watch who is coming and campaigning for whom. In and out of Virginia, what is Youngkin doing?”

2021 Political Roundtable: Surfing Va.’s red wave

The day after Election Day, Virginia Business’ six Political Roundtable panelists hashed out what they think the next year will be like in a Richmond where Republicans are roaring back to power.

Gov.-elect Glenn Youngkin, a first-time political candidate and multimillionaire former private equity CEO, defeated former Gov. Terry McAuliffe, leading a GOP sweep of Virginia’s three statewide offices. Republicans also will return to power in the state House of Delegates after two years of Democratic control that led to a wave of progressive legislation. This year’s elections were a triumph for Republicans and a nadir for Democrats, who now control the Virginia Senate by the thinnest of margins.

Our experts who took part in the 15th annual Virginia Business Political Roundtable at the Richmond Marriott on Nov. 3 included Becky Bromley-Trujillo, research director of Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Leadership; Barry DuVal, president and CEO of the Virginia Chamber of Commerce; James W. “Jim” Dyke Jr., senior state government relations adviser with McGuireWoods Consulting LLC; Stephen Farnsworth, director of the University of Mary Washington’s Center for Leadership and Media Studies; Chris Saxman, executive director of Virginia FREE; and Amanda Wintersieck, assistant professor of political science at Virginia Commonwealth University. Sponsored by Cox Communications Inc., the event was moderated by Virginia Business Editor and Chief Content Officer Richard Foster.

The 2021 election results made clear that “the tide goes in and the tide goes out” in Virginia, observed Farnsworth. “You’re looking at an environment where this was a purple state that didn’t like Trump, so it looked kind of blue for a while. That tide made us think perhaps … that Virginia had changed in a fundamental way. This election was much more of a return to the norm.”

Also, McAuliffe made a few harmful missteps, particularly stating during a debate that parents should not determine what their children study at school.

“The minute I heard that comment,” Dyke said, “I knew … that this was going to be an uphill battle.”

Saxman called McAuliffe’s comment “second only to ‘macaca’ as the worst moment” in a Virginia election, referring to former Sen. George Allen’s racially offensive gaffe in the 2006 U.S. Senate race, which Allen lost to political novice Jim Webb. 

Bromley-Trujillo noted that today’s elections are increasingly impacted by national politics. “I’d say that, for Youngkin, focusing on education was very rational. Tapping into that resentment that people felt, related to education and the parents feeling a loss of control. Critical race theory is not the same as that, but it’s related to that.”

Wintersieck added that the fact that critical race theory — or at least the idea of white children being taught about racism in school — was in the national news for months meant that Youngkin did not have to introduce the concept to voters. “It was low-hanging fruit in many ways.”

Dyke argued that McAuliffe seemed to take Black voters for granted: “It was a general feeling that, ‘They always are going to vote for us, so I don’t have to really say anything to address that community — not until the last 10 days of the campaign when I go to every Black church in the state.’”

Had state Sen. Jennifer McClellan won the Democratic gubernatorial primary, becoming the first Black woman nominated by a major party for the governorship, “that would have excited not only minority communities but women,” Dyke added.

Youngkin also benefited from his deep pockets, good timing and messaging, Saxman said. “As that all came together, it really became a perfect storm for Democrats. It still was a very close outcome. The many, many House races were exceptionally close. Both caucuses are going to have to deal with that reality.” Farnsworth noted that voters in 2021 were more likely to vote for candidates from one party, rather than “one from column A and another from column B,” as in earlier Virginia elections.   

Commenting on Youngkin’s campaign platform, DuVal said he expects to see legislation passed to reduce or eliminate grocery and gas taxes, as well as a greater emphasis on economic development. “Virginia has missed out on some huge projects that were supported by labor, education and businesses. The main reason is [because] Virginia has not … invested in site development that could host these large manufacturers.”

Wintersieck noted that earlier Democratic-led legislation such as marijuana legalization and high-speed rail expansion, as well as restoring felons’ voting rights, could be reversed in the 2022 General Assembly session.

Youngkin wins tight governor’s race, defeating McAuliffe

After a nine-figure avalanche of TV commercials, slick mailers and high-powered political rallies, The Associated Press declared Republican candidate Glenn Youngkin as Virginia’s 74th governor Wednesday, leading a Republican sweep of statewide offices and the party’s possible regain of control in the House of Delegates.

A political newcomer and former co-CEO of Washington, D.C.-based private equity firm The Carlyle Group, Youngkin held a nearly three-point lead just after midnight over former Gov. Terry McAuliffe, his Democratic opponent. The AP called the race for Youngkin at 12:40 a.m. Wednesday.

With 99.8% of Election Day votes and 91.9% of early votes counted, Youngkin had 51.01% of the vote, compared with 48.29% for McAuliffe.

Taking the stage to the guitar chords of the ’70s rock gospel hit “Spirit in the Sky,” a jubilant Youngkin promised to eliminate Virginia’s grocery tax, double residents’ standard tax deduction, pump more funding into law enforcement and allow charter schools across the commonwealth.

“We will not be a commonwealth of low expectations,” Youngkin said. “We will be a commonwealth of high expectations. Friends, all of that has changed tonight.”

He did not refer to his opponent at all during his 12-minute victory speech.

McAuliffe conceded the race in a statement Wednesday morning, congratulating Youngkin on his win. “While last night we came up short, I am proud that we spent this campaign fighting for the values we so deeply believe in. We must protect Virginia’s great public schools and invest in our students. We must protect affordable health care coverage, raise the minimum wage faster and expand paid leave so working families have a fighting shot.”

He added, in an apparent reference to Trump-era Republicanism, “above all else, we must protect our democracy. While there will be setbacks along the way, I am confident that the longterm path of Virginia is toward inclusion, openness and tolerance for all.”

Gov. Ralph Northam issued a statement Wednesday congratulating Youngkin, thanking the state’s department of elections, registrars and poll workers for a “free and fair election with integrity.” He added, “Over the past four years, Virginia has accomplished something unique in America — delivering the most progressive agenda in the country, while also preserving traditions of fiscal responsibility and economic stewardship. Most importantly, we have made Virginia a more welcoming, open, and inclusive commonwealth. Virginians expect this critical work to continue.”

The down-ticket races also came down to the wire, although Republican lieutenant governor candidate Winsome Sears held a 51.4% lead over Democratic Del. Hala Ayala’s 48.5%, while Republican Del. Jason Miyares had 51.1% of the attorney general vote count, over 48.85% for Democratic incumbent Attorney General Mark Herring.

On Wednesday morning the AP called those races for Miyares, who will be the first Cuban American to hold statewide office, and Sears, the first Black woman to do so. Republicans appeared headed for control of the House of Delegates, although the AP said Wednesday morning several races were too close to call.

“I think they are excited about Youngkin,” Quentin Kidd, director of the Wason Center for Public Policy at Christopher Newport University, said of Republican voters. “I think they were excited by the idea that a candidate ran as effective a campaign as Youngkin ran, spoke about the issues that they cared about. Critical race theory embodied a lot of the issues that Republican voters were frustrated about related to education and the schools being shut down and all the vaccines and all that kind of stuff. Youngkin was able to energize voters — more than voters were excited about Youngkin. Let’s be honest, Youngkin was an unknown quantity until mid-summer when he spent millions of dollars to introduce himself.”

In the most expensive gubernatorial race in Virginia’s history, the two major-party candidates raised more than $117 million through Oct. 21, compared to the previous record of $64.7 million raised by Northam and his Republican opponent, Ed Gillespie. Youngkin poured at least $20 million of his own fortune into his campaign, including $3.5 million during the first three weeks of October.

McAuliffe made an appearance just after 10 p.m. Tuesday but did not concede the race, instead saying that he would “continue the fight.” He thanked supporters and stood flanked by family members and Gov. Ralph Northam. There was a delay in calling the race even as Youngkin continued to hold the lead late Tuesday, and according to the Virginia Public Access Project, as many as 30,000 absentee votes may remain to be tallied in Fairfax County.

For a state that appeared to be growing bluer in recent years, the election results were a rebuke for state Democrats after they regained political control of state government just two years earlier. Republicans gained six seats in the House of Delegates, giving the party a 51-seat majority over Democrats, which retained 49 seats. Now Democrats only hold a majority in the Virginia State Senate, which was not up for election this year.

The gubernatorial race received heavy national media attention, as it is considered a predictor for the 2022 midterm elections. President Joe Biden has seen his approval rating sink in recent months as the COVID-19 pandemic lingers and his trillion-dollar infrastructure package stalls in Congress. In Virginia, where he won the 2020 presidential election by 10 points, Biden’s approval rating stood at 45%, with 48% of respondents disapproving of his performance in an Oct. 7 poll of Virginia voters by Emerson College and Nexstar Media Group.

Democratic gubernatorial candidate, former Gov. Terry McAuliffe, speaks Tuesday in Fairfax County. He did not concede the Virginia governor’s race in his speech but trailed Republican Glenn Youngkin all night. Photo by Stephen Gosling

McAuliffe heavily relied on his previous stint as governor during much of the general campaign, touting his economic development triumphs and promising to build on the state’s two-year status as the nation’s top state for business, as selected by CNBC. McAuliffe also consistently invoked the specter of former President Donald Trump, trying to link Youngkin to the ex-president — an attempt to scare off suburban voters from the GOP candidate. Although Trump endorsed Youngkin and stated his support for the candidate in televised rallies, Youngkin mostly steered clear of the former president during the race.

In the campaign’s final weeks, as polls indicated a tighter race, McAuliffe called on high-profile Democrats — President Biden, former President Barack Obama and Vice President Kamala Harris — to campaign on his behalf. Even Grammy-winning superstar Pharrell Williams made a last-minute pitch in Norfolk last week for McAuliffe, accompanying Harris.

And although Youngkin entered the race as a relatively unknown businessman who amassed a multimillion fortune as co-CEO of The Carlyle Group, he pivoted his campaigning from a focus on economic development and job creation in earlier months to culture war messaging about critical race theory and parents’ say over their children’s educations — a move McAuliffe called a “racist dog whistle” on a “Meet the Press” appearance.

Some political soothsayers said early this week that the race appeared to be breaking in the Republicans’ favor. Although the University of Virginia Center for Politics hedged its bets a bit, it ultimately rated the governor’s race as leaning Republican on Monday, a shift from “leans Democratic.”

“There’s a point in every election cycle where decided voters decide to show up and vote, and undecided voters decide which way they’re going to vote,” Chris Saxman, a former Republican delegate who is now executive director of Virginia FREE, a nonpartisan, business-focused political group, said Tuesday before polling stations closed. “It creates a break and it’s hard to turn that momentum around and then it accelerates. And I think that’s what you’re seeing right now in Virginia.”

Spurred by conservative parents’ occasionally unruly protests at school board meetings — including a Loudoun County meeting that led to a man’s arrest — Youngkin seized on McAuliffe’s rhetorical gaffe during a late September debate in which McAuliffe said, “I don’t think parents should be telling schools what they should teach.”

Soon after that, Youngkin’s team deployed the McAuliffe quote in a campaign ad aired many times during October, followed by a commercial featuring a Fairfax County woman who said her son was given “nightmares” by reading Toni Morrison’s Pulitzer Prize-winning novel “Beloved,” which was assigned in his AP English class several years ago. The book deals with the story of a woman who kills her 2-year-old daughter to save her from enslavement in the 19th-century South, and includes scenes of rape and other violence.

Later reporting by The Washington Post noted that the woman, Laura Murphy, advocated for a bill passed by the General Assembly in 2016 that gave parents the right to opt out their children from reading sexually explicit books — a bill vetoed by then-Gov. McAuliffe.

“Youngkin was a very effective first-time candidate,” said Stephen Farnsworth, University of Mary Washington professor of political science and director of the Center for Leadership and Media Studies. “He was able to capitalize McAuliffe’s education misstep during the debate. Youngkin was also very effective at navigating the challenge of Trump. He was able to keep Trump supporters onside during the campaign, and also kept enough daylight between himself and the former president so that he could win over suburban Republicans who backed Romney but didn’t like Trump much.”

Another issue for McAuliffe: low excitement among Democratic voters. Although the former governor was the clear winner of the June Democratic primary, out-fundraising and vaulting over more diverse and lesser-known candidates, younger and more progressive voters expressed dismay over his selection as the party’s nominee — a moderate-leaning, 60-something white man. Among his primary challengers were state Sen. Jennifer McClellan and former Del. Jennifer Carroll Foy, either of whom could have been Virginia’s first female governor and the first Black governor of Virginia since Gov. L. Douglas Wilder was elected in 1989.

In the general election, third-party candidate Princess Blanding, a progressive who ran primarily on a platform of criminal justice reform, was polling at about 1% going into Election Day — enough to worry Democrats in the tight gubernatorial race. Her brother, high school biology teacher Marcus-David Peters, was shot and killed by a Richmond police officer in 2018 while Peters was suffering a mental health crisis.

“In many ways, politics as usual is not the best route forward for the Democrats,” Amanda Wintersieck, an assistant professor of political science at Virginia Commonwealth University, said Tuesday before election results came in. “Princess Blanding is polling at 1 to 4%. She’s present in this election because the progressive element of the Democratic Party and the minority element … don’t know that Democratic politics are meeting their needs.”

Ambiguously funded political PACs also funded attack ads and campaigns against both major party candidates. Some of the worst mudslinging came from out-of-state groups, including the anti-Trump Lincoln Project, which acknowledged it was behind a controversial protest in Charlottesville last week during which a small group of white-shirt-and-khaki-clad people carrying tiki torches stood in pouring rain in front of a Youngkin campaign bus. It was a callback to the far right and white supremacist “Unite the Right” protesters who invaded the University of Virginia and downtown Charlottesville in August 2017, injuring several people and killing one woman when a man drove his car into a crowd downtown.

The campaign stunt, which aimed to tie Youngkin to the alt-right movement, was held the same week as jury selection for a civil trial against organizers of the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville’s federal court. Many in Virginia condemned the protest, saying it made light of a traumatic experience.

“Outside spending in this race is at an all-time high,” Wintersieck added. “We’re seeing a massive influx of money from non-Virginians. It’s changing the dynamics of the race, and it’s changing the issues that are being talked about, and it’s drawn the nation’s attention to this race.”

Virginia Business Editor Richard Foster and Associate Editor Robyn Sidersky contributed to this report.

Facebook removes Amanda Chase’s Senate page

Facebook appears to have permanently removed State Sen. Amanda Chase’s official state Senate page, according to email communications provided by the campaign.

After multiple unsuccessful attempts by her campaign to get her public page reinstated as recently as last week, Chase, R-Chesterfield, said Sunday that she is considering a national class action lawsuit against the social media giant on behalf of herself and others whose pages were restricted because of content related to the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol.

Chase added that she feels “singled out” by Facebook for her conservative politics, and that Facebook’s ban on her Senate page also has harmed her campaign for the Republican gubernatorial nomination. According to Chase, she had 144,000 followers on the public page, where she frequently posted live videos and photos from events. Her personal Facebook page and a private Facebook group for supporters of her gubernatorial campaign are still active, however.

Chase’s Facebook ban — which started as a temporary restriction on new posts and livestreams on the Senate page in early January — occurred at the same time that then-President Donald Trump’s public Facebook page was banned indefinitely. Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg said that in Trump’s case Facebook made the decision for public safety reasons. The Facebook Oversight Board, a high-profile group determining content moderation decisions, is currently considering whether to overturn Trump’s ban and also plans to examine Facebook’s policies on elected officials.

The Virginia GOP has scheduled its nominating convention for governor and other statewide offices for May 8, and Chase campaign worker John Findlay, a former executive director of the Republican Party of Virginia, attempted last week to get Chase’s Facebook page reinstated before the convention. The social media giant first restricted Chase from streaming live video, posting or commenting on the page for 30 days in early January, and it took down two videos Chase posted from the National Mall in Washington, D.C., during a pro-Trump rally that took place a few hours before the violent takeover of the Capitol.

On March 11, Findlay, whose wife is also part of Chase’s campaign staff, emailed Facebook employee Rachel Holland, who is responsible for U.S. politics and government outreach. Findlay’s email to Holland was conciliatory, writing that Chase was “more than willing to comply” with Facebook’s requests, including deleting posts and “avoiding forbidden content.” Findlay added that Chase “would like to do a great deal of advertising” on Facebook. He said in an interview Sunday that he considered the request “likely a longshot, but it was a distinct possibility,” noting that Chase and Trump are the only high-profile political figures whose pages have been removed by Facebook.

However, Facebook did not change its mind. Reiterating a Jan. 19 communication with Chase’s campaign, Holland wrote in a March 16 email that Chase’s Senate page “was correctly disabled upon incurring multiple violations of our Community Standards which resulted in content removal. … Due to the potential for real-world harm, we do not allow exceptions [to] this policy.”

Two months earlier, Holland had explained in an email to Chase’s campaign that Facebook restricts and disables pages that are tied to violent groups, including U.S.-based militias and QAnon followers, and limits other content that includes “praise and support of the storming of the U.S. Capitol, calls to bring weapons to locations across the U.S. — not just in Washington but anywhere in the U.S. — including protests, incitement or encouragement of the events at the Capitol, including videos and photos from the protestors.”

Chase said Sunday she’s strongly considering bringing a lawsuit against Facebook and believes she and other pro-Trump partisans are being punished for their political beliefs. “You don’t adopt un-American policies, Facebook,” Chase said. “This is all a target on conservative Republicans. This has lit a fire under me. I will put Facebook out of business.”

Findlay said Sunday that although Chase is interested in suing Facebook, he’s not confident that a lawsuit would be resolved in time for the May 8 convention. “I think she’s still the overwhelming favorite” in the Republican gubernatorial field, despite the ban, he added.

Subscribe to Virginia Business.

Get our daily e-newsletter.

Va. GOP to hold May 8 “drive-in” convention, possibly in Lynchburg

After months of discussion and indecision, the Republican Party of Virginia’s State Central Committee elected Tuesday night to hold a May 8 “drive-in” convention — possibly around Liberty University in Lynchburg — to choose its 2021 statewide nominees for governor, attorney general and lieutenant governor.

The state GOP committee conducted a three-hour, occasionally contentious public Zoom meeting Tuesday to decide between holding a convention or a party-run primary known as a “canvass.” If the committee hadn’t been able to reach a decision, its 72 members would have selected this year’s slate of statewide Republican candidates.

The convention method chosen Tuesday will allow Republican voters to submit ballots in person, ranking candidates in order of preference.

Committee members raised the option of holding the event at parking lots in or around the private Christian university in Lynchburg — although in a statement Wednesday, Liberty officials said the school has not yet agreed to rent space for the event.

The decision to hold the convention went against the views of many Republican voters, judging from comments made during the livestreamed meeting. Some party members speaking during the meeting urged the committee to choose a primary in order to spare voters in some corners of the state from making a long drive. Also, three former Republican governors of Virginia wrote a letter Tuesday to the members of the committee urging them to hold a canvass.

“We strongly urge you to put aside differences tonight and select a canvass, which has been successfully used many times previously by our party,” said the letter signed by former Virginia Govs. George Allen, Jim Gilmore and Bob McDonnell. “It would not require an amendment to the party plan, preregistration or mass meetings, nor does it limit the number of Republicans who can participate in the nominating process. It also screens out Democrat participation through signing a pledge, and very importantly, allows for ranked choice voting that is permitted by the party plan.”

Because the state-designated deadline of 5 p.m. Tuesday had passed by the time of the GOP’s committee meeting, the Republican Party of Virginia could no longer decide to hold a state-run primary at taxpayer cost, as the state Democratic Party plans to do on June 8.

There’s often controversy over nomination methods, typically breaking down between conservatives vs. moderates, but this year’s process has been unusually fraught. Gubernatorial candidate state Sen. Amanda Chase, R-Chesterfield, filed a lawsuit against the GOP, attempting to force the party to hold a state-run primary election. Chase’s suit requested that the Richmond Circuit Court declare that the party is allowed only to hold an in-person convention — leading to the inevitable decision that such a gathering would be illegal under Gov. Ralph Northam’s Executive Order 72 limiting gatherings to prevent the spread of the pandemic.

However, a Richmond Circuit Court judge threw out the suit Friday because the party had not yet settled on its method of nominating candidates, so there was no injury to Chase.

In a tweet Wednesday, Chase wrote: “So the RPV’s governing board chose a nomination process that is currently illegal under the Governor’s current executive order. We are headed toward 72 members of the SCC choosing our statewide nominees.”

Chase has contended that the party’s State Central Committee was attempting to lock her out of a nomination by making it more difficult for voters to make their preference known at a primary election. Chase is leading the field of Republican candidates in recent polls by at least seven points, but Chase is not personally popular among party officials, due to a series of controversies.

The self-described “Trump in heels,” far-right candidate was censured by the Virginia State Senate in January with votes from three Republican senators, and she left the Senate Republican caucus in 2019 over a conflict with Senate Minority Leader Thomas Norment, R-Virginia Beach. Chase also was kicked out of the Chesterfield County Republican Party after making disparaging remarks about the former Republican sheriff.

Her opponents — among them Del. Kirk Cox, former Carlyle Group CEO Glenn A. Youngkin and retired Army Col. Sergio de la Peña — said last week they had no preference about which nomination method would be used, but Cox and Youngkin expressed concern that the matter had not yet been settled with less than four months before the June 8 deadline for candidates to be chosen for this November’s ballot. Venture capitalist Pete Snyder, another GOP gubernatorial hopeful, did not respond to a request for comment.

After her court case was tossed, Chase said in a statement, “Primaries are best for Virginians as they are more inclusive and don’t create extra hoops for the people who want to vote to jump through. I’ve at least raised awareness as to what they are doing and taken the smoke out of a smoke-filled room. The people are watching. They see what they’re doing and they’re not happy about it. It’s up to the [State Central Committee] to do the right thing.”

In an email to her supporters last week, Chase suggested they make plans to travel to vote in a convention.

According to Liberty’s statement, the school has been contacted by Virginia GOP officials about the possibility of leasing portions of retail parking lots owned by the university but had not agreed to a contract as of Wednesday.

“Liberty University tries to be a good neighbor and promote civic engagement,” the statement reads, noting that it told the state GOP it would consider renting off-campus parking areas at full market rates. “Liberty would do likewise on comparable terms if another political party or candidate asked. Excess parking in retail centers controlled by Liberty University have been leased on a temporary basis for years to carnivals, circuses, car dealerships, and the like.”

Subscribe to Virginia Business.

Get our daily e-newsletter.

Court upholds state GOP’s May convention plan

The Republican Party of Virginia is clear to move forward with its plans for a May 1 convention, after a Richmond Circuit Court judge on Friday tossed out a lawsuit filed by state Sen. Amanda Chase to force the party to hold a primary election to choose its candidates for governor, attorney general and lieutenant governor.

Following the hearing, the party’s general counsel said a state-run primary to choose the party’s candidates for statewide office is “off the table. We can’t have one.” Chris Marston explained that the party’s State Central Committee can’t call a meeting — due to rules regarding advance notification of members — before the Tuesday deadline set by the State Board of Elections for parties to declare their plans to hold a state-run primary election.

He added that the committee, set to meet Feb. 27, is expected to decide logistics for its nominating methods in coming weeks.

Richmond Circuit Court substitute Judge Margaret Spencer ruled Friday afternoon that Chase, R-Chesterfield, who is leading the Republican field of gubernatorial candidates in recent polls, does not have standing to seek an injunction that would have prevented the state party from moving forward with plans for its May 1 convention to nominate GOP 2021 candidates for governor, attorney general and lieutenant governor.

Chase’s attorney, Tim Anderson of Virginia Beach, said after the ruling he would talk to his client about next steps, including the possibility of appealing. Chase was not in court Friday because she was participating in the state Senate session, which is convening at the Science Museum of Virginia.

In a text message from the Senate floor, Chase said, “We tried today to make sure Virginians could participate in the Republican nomination process for governor, but the judge said it should be the governor of Virginia who brings this case before them. Primaries are best for Virginians as they are more inclusive and don’t create extra hoops for the people who want to vote to jump through. I’ve at least raised awareness as to what they are doing and taken the smoke out of a smoke-filled room.

“The people are watching. They see what they’re doing and they’re not happy about it. It’s up to the [State Central Committee] to do the right thing.”

In an email Friday night, Chase said that she does not plan to appeal the decision because of the Tuesday deadline and asked her supporters “to lobby members of the State Central Committee and ask them to support a primary before Tuesday’s deadline.”

Chase’s suit requested that the Richmond Circuit Court declare that the party is allowed only to hold an in-person convention — leading to the inevitable decision that such a gathering would be illegal under Gov. Ralph Northam’s Executive Order 72 to prevent the spread of the pandemic.

Chase argued that because gatherings of more than 10 people have been outlawed by executive order to prevent the spread of coronavirus, the state GOP “has chosen a method that is illegal under the governor’s current executive orders and is secretly planning to choose the statewide nominees themselves, bypassing the people of Virginia. I will not stand for this.” She said also that the state party’s plans amount to “socialism,” by allowing only a few people in power to decide on candidates.

Because the party has not yet decided precisely its nominating method — including the possibility of holding a party-run primary known as a “canvass” that allows a primary in which the party sets its own rules, or unassembled conventions similar to the “drive-thru” events held by the party to pick congressional nominees — Chase’s injunction request is moot, Spencer said. To have standing, the plaintiff must allege an injury based on “current facts, not future facts,” she added.

The Republican Party’s attorney, Lee Goodman of Washington, D.C., argued, “This is a manufactured crisis. It is wholly speculative about the future.” He added that although Northam’s order currently limits gatherings to 10 people, restrictions could be loosened by late spring or summer and that the executive order in question is set to expire Feb. 28. Although the state’s deadline for parties to declare they would hold a state-run primary is next week, he said, the GOP has more time to decide its method of nomination and logistics before the state’s June 8 deadline for nominations.

Anderson, though, said that Chase “isn’t trying to tell the party what to do,” and contended that regardless of the governor’s executive orders, holding a gathering of more than 10,000 people in one place is “dangerous. You can’t do that, period.”

The Democratic Party has already decided to hold primary elections June 8 to choose its nominees for statewide office.

Subscribe to Virginia Business.

Get our daily e-newsletter.

State GOP seeks dismissal of Chase lawsuit

The Republican Party of Virginia is asking the Richmond Circuit Court to toss out a lawsuit by state Sen. Amanda Chase, R-Chesterfield, that seeks to force the party to hold a primary election instead of a nominating convention.

In papers filed this week by Washington, D.C., attorney Lee Goodman, the Republican Party of Virginia filed a motion to be heard before a scheduled hearing for Chase’s motion for an emergency temporary injunction against the state GOP. If granted, Chase’s injunction would prevent the state party from moving forward with plans for its May 1 convention to nominate GOP 2021 candidates for governor, attorney general and lieutenant governor.

Both the Republican and Democratic parties are required to register plans for a primary election with the State Board of Elections by Tuesday, Feb. 23.

A hearing is scheduled at Richmond Circuit Court on Friday, although the courts were closed Thursday due to winter weather and could also close Friday.

Virginia Democrats plan to hold a statewide primary in June allowing voters to choose nominees, but Republicans are planning to host an “unassembled” convention to choose its 2021 state candidates — a pandemic-era version of a nominating convention, which is ordinarily held in a building with thousands of delegates. The party hosted so-called “drive-through” conventions last year to choose its nominees for Congress.

Chase, a gubernatorial candidate, has vocally opposed holding a convention instead of a primary.

Chase’s suit requests that the Richmond Circuit Court declare that the party is allowed only to hold an in-person convention — leading to the inevitable decision that such a gathering would be illegal under Gov. Ralph Northam’s Executive Order 72 to prevent the spread of the pandemic.

Chase argues that because gatherings of more than 10 people have been outlawed by executive order to prevent the spread of coronavirus, the state GOP “has chosen a method that is illegal under the governor’s current executive orders and is secretly planning to choose the statewide nominees themselves, bypassing the people of Virginia. I will not stand for this.” She said also that the state party’s plans amount to “socialism,” by allowing only a few people in power to decide on candidates.

The GOP’s State Central Committee ended a meeting in January before holding a vote to choose a primary election, and it is not scheduled to hold another meeting until after the Feb. 23 state elections board deadline.

Goodman, a former chairman and commissioner of the Federal Election Commission and the Republican Party of Virginia’s general counsel from 2009 to 2013, argues in his motion that Chase’s suit has no merit because the party has not fixed its nomination method, and that Chase “has no right to a state-run primary. The party has a well-established First Amendment right to reject a state-run primary.”

Goodman also says that it’s uncertain that Gov. Ralph Northam will continue to restrict gatherings, and that Chase “wants to influence ongoing deliberations within the party rather than to enjoin the actual nominating method the party will employ in the spring.”

In another motion opposing Chase’s injunction, Goodman says Chase is “not harmed by being required to compete for the nomination in the method chosen by her party. Moreover, the ulterior relief she seeks — a state-run, taxpayer-funded primary — is not relief this court can mandate upon the party.”

Chase vocally opposes a convention and flirted in December with running for governor as an independent — in part, she argued, because GOP officials could cut her out of the nomination over personal dislike. A self-described “Trump in heels,” Chase has long had disagreements with her party. In 2019, she left the Senate Republican Caucus over its more moderate stances on Medicaid and tax increases, and she was kicked out of the Chesterfield County GOP after making public statements against the Republican county sheriff.

In late January, Chase was censured by the Virginia Senate for “failure to uphold her oath of office, misuse of office and conduct unbecoming of a senator” based on several controversies over the past two years, including participation in the Jan. 6 pro-Trump rally Jan. 6 at the National Mall that preceded the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol. She is the first Virginia senator censured since 1987, with a vote that included three Republican senators supporting her censure. Chase has sued the state Senate in response, claiming the censure is a violation of her civil rights to free speech.

The first declared GOP candidate for governor, Chase has raised more money than her competitors, who all joined the race after the November 2020 election, and according to recent polls, is the GOP frontrunner in the crowded race. Other vying for this year’s Virginia GOP gubernatorial nomination include state Del. Kirk Cox, former Carlyle Group CEO Glenn A. Youngkin, former New Media Strategies CEO Pete Snyder and retired Army Col. Sergio de la Peña. Youngkin and Snyder, however, are multimillionaires who could potentially self-fund their campaigns.

Youngkin said in a radio interview that he is “extraordinarily frustrated” by the State Central Committee’s decision not to hold a vote at its January meeting to reconsider the unassembled convention method but that he aims to win a primary or convention, whichever is held. “If we’re going to have a primary, let’s go have a primary,” he said. “I am so happy to run for governor no matter what state central decides. But this idea that we’re not going to decide is just unacceptable. … Let Republicans in Virginia choose. If we choose a convention, which is great with me, I plan on winning that because we need to choose a governor who can win.”

Similarly, Cox’s campaign said the delegate hopes “that the State Central Committee will take care of its business, hopefully sooner rather than later, but that isn’t stopping us from doing everything it will take to win no matter the nomination.”

De la Peña’s campaign says the former Trump appointee to the Department of Defense “has no opinion on a convention or primary.” Snyder’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

Subscribe to Virginia Business.

Get our daily e-newsletter.

Chase sues Virginia GOP to halt nominating convention

Claiming that the Republican Party of Virginia has “held the process hostage,” state Sen. Amanda Chase, R-Chesterfield, a GOP gubernatorial hopeful, has filed suit against the state GOP over its decision to hold a convention in May instead of a primary to select its 2021 candidates for governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general.

Chase’s attorney, Tim Anderson of Virginia Beach, filed the lawsuit on Chase’s behalf against the Republican Party of Virginia on Tuesday in Richmond Circuit Court. He is seeking an emergency hearing and a temporary injunction by Feb. 23 — the state deadline for both parties to notify the State Board of Elections of their nomination process plans.

In an email statement, Chase said Tuesday that the GOP “has chosen a method that is illegal under the governor’s current executive orders and is secretly planning to choose the statewide nominees themselves, bypassing the people of Virginia. I will not stand for this.” She declared also that the state party’s plans amount to “socialism,” by allowing only a few people in power to decide on candidates.

Virginia Democrats plan to hold a statewide primary in June allowing voters to choose nominees, but currently Republicans are sticking with hosting an “unassembled” convention — a pandemic-era version of a nominating convention, which is ordinarily held in a building with thousands of delegates. The party hosted so-called “drive-through” conventions last year to choose its nominees for Congress.

The debate over holding a statewide primary vs. a nominating convention is a controversial subject, especially this year. In January, state Republican Party leaders quickly adjourned a remote meeting to reconsider its December vote to host a convention, which could not be held in person without violating Gov. Ralph Northam’s executive order to limit gatherings to 10 people or less.

Because the party’s State Central Committee has scheduled its next meeting Feb. 27, four days after the state deadline, Chase’s suit argues that the GOP plans to go forward with a convention despite significant opposition. The suit requests that the Richmond Circuit Court declare that the party is allowed only to hold an in-person convention — leading to the inevitable decision that such a gathering would be illegal under Northam’s Executive Order 72 to prevent the spread of the pandemic.

Chase vocally opposes a convention and flirted in December with running for governor as an independent — in part, she argued, because GOP officials could cut her out of the nomination over personal dislike. A self-described “Trump in heels,” Chase has long had disagreements with her party. In 2019, she left the Senate Republican Caucus over its more moderate stances on Medicaid and tax increases, and she also was kicked out of the Chesterfield County GOP after making public statements against the Republican county sheriff.

In late January, Chase was censured by the Virginia State Senate for “failure to uphold her oath of office, misuse of office and conduct unbecoming of a senator” based on several controversies over the past two years, including participation in a rally Jan. 6 at the National Mall, hours before the violent breach of the U.S. Capitol. She is the first Virginia senator censured since 1987, with a vote that included three Republican senators supporting her censure. Chase has sued the Senate in response, claiming the censure is a violation of her civil rights.

The first declared GOP candidate for governor, Chase has raised more money than her competitors, who all joined the race after the November 2020 election. Other vying for this year’s Virginia GOP gubernatorial nomination include state Del. Kirk Cox, former Carlyle Group CEO Glenn A. Youngkin and former New Media Strategies CEO Pete Snyder. Youngkin and Snyder, however, are multimillionaires who could potentially self-fund their campaigns.

The Republican Party of Virginia did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the suit.

Subscribe to Virginia Business.

Get our daily e-newsletter.