RBW Sports & Classics, a United Kingdom manufacturer of hand-built electric vehicles that have designs inspired by British sports cars from the 1960s and 1970s, plans to invest $8 million to establish a manufacturing facility at Cane Creek Centre in Danville, Gov. Glenn Youngkin announced Thursday.
The project is expected to create 144 jobs. Those workers will produce RBW’s first left-hand drive, electric Roadster and GT models for the U.S. market.
Peter Swain founded the company — which is named after his children, Rose, Becs and Wesley — in 2017.
“Already selling in Europe, Asia and even Bermuda, the new facility in Virginia supports RBW’s entry to the U.S. market,” Swain, who is CEO, said in a statement.
RBW delivered its first cars in 2022 and opened its first factory in the United Kingdom in 2023. The company currently manufactures electric Roadster and GT models, and its electric vehicle architecture and systems can be installed under other body shells.
The company unveiled its left-hand drive Roadster and GT models at the Pebble Beach Concours d’Elegance in California, which ran from Aug. 15 to Aug. 18. Starting prices for RBW cars run between $139,000 to $151,000.
In July, Swain, who previously worked in security systems, was featured in a Financial Times article about whether the United Kingdom’s Labour Party should develop an industrial strategy. In the article, Swain noted more incentives are available in the United States for business owners. “We can get so much help everywhere — apart from in our own backyard,” he told the Financial Times.
The Cane Creek Centre is jointly owned by the City of Danville and Pittsylvania County. The Virginia Economic Development Partnership worked with Pittsylvania County, the City of Danville, the Danville-Pittsylvania County Regional Industrial Facility Authority and the Southern Virginia Regional Alliance to secure the project for Virginia.
Youngkin approved a $500,000 grant from the Commonwealth’s Opportunity Fund to assist Danville and Pittsylvania County with this project. The Virginia Jobs Investment Program will also provide funding and services to support employee training activities.
Blacksburg is moving forward with the renovation of a former dry-cleaning business into a retail business incubator. Slated to open by the end of 2025, the Blacksburg Retail Incubator is planned at 414 N. Main St., a 5,000-square-foot building owned by the town. After the building has been improved, Downtown Blacksburg Inc. will locate there and operate an incubator to house entrepreneurs seeking to create or expand a business providing products to the community. Officials hope to attract merchants that serve a new or underserved market. There will be room for events and receptions as well. (The Roanoke Times)
Arlington County’s CareJourney, a health care data and analytics company co-founded in 2014 by former U.S. Chief Technology Officer Aneesh Chopra, has been acquired by Arcadia, a Boston health care data platform, according to a June 27 announcement. A spokesperson for Arcadia declined to provide financial terms of the deal. The merged company will have 400 employees. CareJourney derives analytics from Medicare, Medicaid, Medicare Advantage and commercial claims data across more than 300 million beneficiaries and over 2 million providers nationwide. Its clients include payers, providers and employers. Chopra, who served as the nation’s first chief technology officer under President Barack Obama, is now Arcadia’s chief strategy officer. (VirginiaBusiness.com)
CAV Angels, an investment syndicate composed of University of Virginia alumni, students and friends, recently closed three funding deals to push its lifetime investments close to $26 million. The recent investments include MITO Material Solutions, an Indianapolis company that makes resin additives for manufacturing, New York City’s Ask Alex, which offers AI-powered data and marketing software that automates workflows for brick-and-mortar operators; and Richmond augmented reality company ARtGlass. Exact terms of the funding deals were not disclosed. All were group deals. (Richmond Inno)
Shenandoah Community Capital Fund is hosting its third annual Shenandoah Valley Entrepreneurship Summit Sept. 9-10 at James Madison University in Harrisonburg. With the theme “Learning by Doing,” the summit will offer several hands-on workshops as well as networking and relationship-building opportunities. Session topics will be led by expert entrepreneurs and business owners and will center around subjects such as marketing, finance, technology and business management. Tickets are $155 (or $80 for students) and include meals and admission to SCCF’s first Demo Day on night one. More information can be found at sccfva.org. (News release)
Torev Motors, a Crystal City startup vying to improve the motors that power electric vehicles, crossed the $1 million funding threshold in June. The 2-year-old company recently closed a $650,000 pre-seed funding round led by BetterWay Ventures, a Charleston, South Carolina-based venture capital firm that funds green tech startups. Houston investment firm EcoSphere Ventures, Los Angeles-based Climate Avengers and Alexandria investment firm Intbox Ventures also participated. Torev is in talks with several automakers about establishing pilot programs that its founders hope will lead to its hardware being tested out in passenger cars and, eventually, construction and military equipment. (DC Inno)
McLean fintech Verituity has raised $18.8 million to expand the customer base for its software, which helps verify financial transactions such as refunds and insurance claims. Sandbox Industries of Chicago and San Mateo, California-based Forgepoint Capital led the round. Washington, D.C.’s Ardent Venture Partners and Santa Monica’s MTech Capital also took part. Forgepoint and Ardent led Verituity’s $10 million Series A round in 2021. Started in 2020, Verituity’s business has skyrocketed from processing roughly $13 million in payouts in 2022 to over $2.6 billion in the past year, according to investor Forgepoint. Customers include financial giants such as BNY Mellon, Citizens Bank and Assurant. MasterCard inked a partnership with Verituity earlier this year. (DC Inno)
People shopping for a new car or truck often hesitate to buy an electric vehicle because there aren’t many public charging stations.
However, that situation will improve in Henrico County, which was awarded about $1.45 million in January through the U.S. Transportation Department’s Charging and Fueling Infrastructure Discretionary Grant Program. The funds, along with a $363,200 county match, will be used to provide 38 EV charging ports at seven publicly accessible facilities.
“We do have 69 EV charging stations in Henrico, but they’re not in areas that are necessarily publicly available,” says Cari Tretina, chief of staff to the county manager. “What our grant application focused on was the areas that were underserved but also would best meet the [grant] metrics.”
She says it will take 12 to 18 months to work through the grant process and find a company that will ultimately install the stations and operate them on a revenue-sharing basis.
The recommended locations are Tuckahoe Area Library, Fairfield Area Library, Henrico County Government Center, Eastern Government Center, Eastern Henrico Recreation Center, Henrico Sports & Events Center and Short Pump Park.
Henrico is the only locality in Virginia to receive one of the 47 grants awarded this year through the program’s community charging track. The feds’ priorities are rural areas as well as low- and moderate-income neighborhoods with low ratios of private parking or high ratios of multiunit dwellings.
Virginia passed a law in 2021 requiring every new car sold in the state to be fully electric by 2035, and public EV charging stations are essential to increasing buyers’ acceptance of plug-in electric vehicles. The Richmond area, which includes Henrico, has 503 charging stations, according to PlugShare, an app that tracks public charging stations.
Adding seven stations in Henrico is “huge” and will help dealers market EVs, says Ralston King, vice president of legislative affairs for the Virginia Automobile Dealers Association. The VADA is doing everything it can to promote EVs, he adds, and the National Automobile Dealers Association just created a sales training and certification program for dealerships.
By 2030, an estimated 500,000 EVs will be on the roads in Dominion Energy Virginia’s service territory, up from 100,000 out of 7 million vehicles now. Dominion will be able to meet the demand because it factors that into its forecast for infrastructure needs, says Kate Staples, the utility’s electrification director.
RICHMOND, Va. — Lawmakers advanced legislation to expand electric vehicle infrastructure throughout the state, which could help meet a looming mandate that sales of new gas-powered vehicles be phased out by 2035.
More infrastructure, such as electric chargers, is needed to meet the deadline and growing EV demand. Del. Richard “Rip” Sullivan, D-Fairfax, introduced House Bill 107, which creates the Electric Vehicle Rural Infrastructure Program and Fund. The measure financially assists developers in bringing EV chargers to rural areas that meet established conditions. Areas qualify based on population density, annual unemployment and poverty rates.
Funds would be used to offset nonutility costs, which include construction and some needed parts like breakers, conduits and cables. Developer grants would be capped at 70% of the cost to construct public charging stations.
The bill passed the House with bipartisan support, on a 71-27 vote. Sullivan requested $50 million over the next two years for the fund. An employee would need to help manage the fund, on an estimated $50,000 annual salary. The House budget presented earlier this week reduced the amount to $2 million in the current fiscal year.
“I look at it very positively, and I am hopeful about the bill’s chances,” Sullivan said about the budget. “Virginia is a very big place. We need a lot of EV charging stations around it, so I view this as a good start.” The number of public EV chargers in Virginia increased by approximately 75% since 2020, per a study recently released by the Southern Environmental Law Center. Senior attorney Trip Pollard is the land and community program leader with the nonprofit advocacy group.
There are still big gaps in EV charger coverage. The state’s transition to modern, more sustainable transportation will not happen overnight and the public needs to be prepared for it, according to Pollard.
A fund to help rural development is important to bridge the gap between EV ownership and its practicality in rural or lower-income communities. Legislation can help ensure no communities are left behind in the transition, Pollard said. There has been a federal push to increase the spread of publicly available chargers through the Federal Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, Pollard said. The federal funding appropriates $106 million over five years to support the expansion of an EV charging network. Virginia can also apply for the $2.5 billion dedicated to grants for EV charging.
There is a gap in rural coverage, since most charging infrastructure is centered around major interstates and highways. Many rural areas in Virginia are without the type of public ports needed to charge EVs quickly, according to a study from the Southern Environmental Law Center.
Private charging is the dominant option for EV owners. Roughly 90% of EV owners can install private chargers at their home, according to the study.
“That’s one of the biggest areas that we need to address,” Pollard said. “The majority of EV owners charge at home, but if you’re in a multi-family that can often be very difficult to do.”
EV charging standards for new development Del. Adele McClure, D-Arlington, introduced HB 405, which tasks the Commission on Electric Utility Regulation to oversee the design standards and requirements to safely bring charging capabilities into new housing developments.
The commission would determine what type of electrical distribution infrastructure is needed to support EV charging facilities in new single-family and multifamily residential units.
When McClure canvassed during campaign season, she heard from constituents who said they wanted to see more EV infrastructure.
“I started thinking about ways where we can ensure that there are more charging stations, especially when it comes to new builds,” McClure said.
The bill stems from conversations between home builders and environmentalists on the best way to remove barriers and lower the costs to build “easy-ready and EV-capable residential communities,” McClure said. All new vehicles sold must be electric models, starting in 2035. The mandate stems from the state’s Clean Car law passed in 2021, which adopts California’s standard. But 35% of all new cars and trucks sold in Virginia with a 2026 model year must be electric. Lawmakers have attempted to overturn the law, questioning if the state’s infrastructure will be ready and if the vehicles are affordable enough.
Both of the bills are now waiting to be heard in committees, after crossing over to the Senate.
Capital News Service is a program of Virginia Commonwealth University’s Robertson School of Media and Culture. Students in the program provide state government coverage for a variety of media outlets in Virginia.
A $100 million-plus lithium-ion battery project could be coming to Virginia, the U.S. Department of Energy announced Monday, but a spokesperson for U.S. Sen. Mark Warner said North Carolina could also be in contention.
MP Assets will build a facility to manufacture separators for lithium-ion batteries, bringing 282 permanent jobs and at least a $100 million investment, according to the announcement. The announcement named Virginia but did not identify where the project would be located, saying only that the project will provide the jobs for “double dispersed coal and Justice40 communities.” Justice40 refers to a goal set by President Joe Biden that 40% of certain federal investments, including in climate change, and clean energy and transit as well as other workforce, housing and pollution remediation, go to disadvantaged communities that are marginalized, underserved and overburdened by pollution.”
While the energy department said the project would go to Virginia, it wasn’t immediately clear that that would be the case. Rachel Cohen, a spokesperson for Warner, said North Carolina had also been considered a potential location. Additional information about the project was not immediately available Monday and a company official could not be reached.
Lithium-ion batteries are used in a range of products, including power tools and electric vehicles. The Department of Energy award was one of seven announced Monday for former coal communities totaling $275 million, as well as the largest, and the projects are expected to be matched by $600 million in private investments. The projects are part of a Biden administration initiative to address critical energy needs while rebuilding a domestic supply chain for existing and emerging technologies.
Other projects include $50 million for Boston Metal, a company founded by MIT scientists, to build a plant in Weirton, West Virginia, to manufacture metal and alloy for clean energy industries while reskilling workers in the former coal community, as well as $20 million for a wind turbine manufacturing plant in Vernon, Texas.
Electric trucks still have some shortcomings — including difficulties covering long distances, and the fact that it’s taken manufacturers as long as five years to deliver on some vehicle orders — but Virginia trucking companies are nonetheless forging ahead.
For instance, in addition to its 22 diesel trucks, Camrett Logistics in Wytheville received two electric semis in 2022 from Volvo Trucks’ plant in Dublin a year after ordering them, and is adding two more this year.
The trucks travel about 250 miles daily in short trips and charge overnight at the company’s facilities, says Cameron Peel, Camrett’s president and chief client officer. They get up to 275 miles per charge, and two configurations of the Volvo VNR trucks that debuted in 2022 allow batteries to fully charge in 90 minutes.
Despite the improvements, long hauls are still a way off, Peel says. “Electric trucks are nowhere near ready to go from Virginia to California.”
Richmond-based Estes Express Lines, the largest privately owned freight carrier in North America, added 12 electric trucks to its fleet in March. It’s a small number compared with the company’s 9,000 tractors that run on diesel, but electric vehicles are a significant part of Estes’ future, says Webb Estes, president and chief operating officer of the shipping company, which specializes in less-than-truckload (LTL) freight delivery over shorter distances than long-haul trucks.
Estes also has 300 electric forklifts — representing 10% of its fleet — as well as two electric straight trucks and an electric yard truck that uses a fifth wheel to move trailers within truck yards and warehouses.
There has been a three-year window between order and delivery, Estes notes, which makes it difficult to scale up the number of electric trucks. “Even if we wanted to try more electrics right now, it’s been over three years since we ordered these trucks, and manufacturers are still trying to learn the best way to build electric trucks.”
The company’s diesel trucks are already very fuel-efficient, able to travel 900-plus miles between fill-ups, so Estes is now testing how electric trucks fit in with the current fleet.
Shipping companies’ efforts to move toward electric vehicles are part of an overall national push to make the United States less dependent on fossil fuels. Although electric trucks cost about three times as much as diesel trucks, they offer long-term savings on fuel and maintenance.
In August 2022, President Joe Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act, which offers tax credits to business owners who purchase electric vehicles for work use, up to $40,000 for larger trucks. The act took effect in January.
“We are not doing this because we think these trucks are going to save us a bunch of money; we’re doing it because it’s the right thing to do,” Estes says. “And the best way to move the technology forward is to have good partners to test these things.”
Many businesses have instituted environmental sustainability goals that attract customers and talent, as well as lowering operation costs.
Kate Staples, director of electrification at Dominion Energy Inc., says the Fortune 500 utility’s electric grid is about 40% carbon-neutral.
“When you’re powering with gasoline or diesel, [the environment is] not going to get any cleaner,” she says, adding that electric trucks are exhaustless and noiseless. However, Staples notes, most companies are buying electric trucks only when an older truck is retired.
Also, upfront costs are significantly higher for electric trucks, even though companies save on fuel. A diesel truck costs about $110,000, while electric trucks are more than $300,000, although Staples expects initial costs to decrease as more users buy electric vehicles and governments create tax incentives.
Peel notes the main cost comes from electric vehicles’ lithium batteries, which run about $25,000 per 100-kilowatt pack, although he anticipates “huge advances in battery technology” that will drive vehicle purchase costs down.
“There’s still a cost to charge the truck,” however, Peel says. “The pro here is 100% sustainability … but we would love to start seeing some legislation to help with the cost,” such as tax breaks or sustainability grants.
In 10 years, Estes predicts, electric tractor-trailer manufacturers will significantly advance electric truck technology — including allowing for longer distance drives. “The industry is going to have to find a way to get a truck that can at least travel 600 miles electric to really kind of transform the conversation.”
Ford Motor Co. announced Monday that it will build an electric vehicle battery plant in Michigan, a $3.5 billion project that Virginia was considered for until Gov. Glenn Youngkin pulled the state out of it late last year.
Youngkin’s concern, he said in January, was over the involvement of China-based Contemporary Amperex Technology Ltd. (CATL), which would operate the plant, and that he didn’t want Ford to serve as “a front for China” in Virginia. The plant would have been located in Pittsylvania County’s 3,528-acre Southern Virginia Mega Site at Berry Hill industrial site, which so far has no tenants.
Virginia and Michigan were the finalists for the plant, which will be 100% owned by the U.S. automaker. The Ford plant will be located about 100 miles west of Detroit at a 1,900-acre megasite in Marshall, Michigan. It is expected to create 2,500 jobs, with manufacturing beginning in 2026. During the announcement Monday, Ford executives said a Ford-owned subsidiary would own the plant and employ workers, with CATL providing technology and some equipment and staff.
Virginia Democrats decried Youngkin’s decision to block the plant from coming to Virginia as politically motivated and hypocritical, given his financial benefits from The Carlyle Group’s Chinese investments when Youngkin was co-CEO of the private equity company. Also, they criticized the governor for potentially depriving Southern Virginia of the 2,500 jobs the plant would have created.
“We all thought we were trying to achieve the same bipartisan goals of bringing good-paying jobs and economic development to Virginia, but apparently, in his absence last year, the governor missed that part of the transition briefing,” Loudoun County Del. David Reid, a Democrat, said on the House of Delegates’ floor Jan. 17. Reid was referring to Youngkin’s extensive 2022 domestic travel schedule, which many political onlookers saw as Youngkin testing the waters for a 2024 presidential run. “At this point, the governor needs to go to Southside, hold a town hall and explain why it is OK for him to make tens of millions of dollars off of investments in China and Chinese investments in the United States when he was in Carlyle Group, but he decided to play politics when it came to the livelihood for an entire region.”
Republicans, however, defended Youngkin’s decision as a responsible move for national security. “Bringing the right jobs to Danville … is critical,” said Del. Terry Kilgore, a Republican who serves on the state Tobacco Region Revitalization Commission, which assists localities in Southern and Southwest Virginia in boosting economic development projects with funds from tobacco civil lawsuits settled decades ago. “But Bloomberg reported in December that Ford Motor Co. was planning to run this proposed electric vehicle plant through a conglomerate that coordinates closely with the Chinese Communist Party.”
During Youngkin’s time at Carlyle, the company invested in many Chinese businesses, including ByteDance, TikTok’s parent company, and Adicon Holding Ltd., one of China’s largest independent clinical laboratory companies. In 2021, when he was running for governor, Youngkin had an estimated net worth of about $400 million, making him the wealthiest governor in the state’s history. Youngkin removed Virginia from consideration for the Ford plant in late December 2020, after a Bloomberg article outlined cooperation between Ford and CATL on the proposed plant, as well as CATL’s close ties to the Chinese government.
Potential Republican presidential candidates Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and Texas Gov. Greg Abbott have also made moves against Chinese investments in their states, and some Democrats in Virginia said that Youngkin made his decision based on national ambitions of his own. The governor has neither confirmed nor denied rumors that he may run for president in 2024.
In Monday’s announcement, Ford said the plant will be built in Marshall, Michigan, where lithium iron phosphate (LFP) batteries will be manufactured as an alternative to nickel cobalt manganese (NCM) batteries, both of which can run electric vehicles. LFP batteries will be added to Ford’s electric vehicle lineup this year with the Mustang Mach-E and in 2024 with the F-150 Lightning.
Ford said it plans to invest more than $50 billion in electric vehicles globally through 2026, resulting in more than 18,000 direct jobs in Michigan, Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio and Missouri.
When Lego Group representatives toured Chesterfield County’s Meadowville Technology Park on a winter day early this year, they didn’t speak.
As with most industrial site visits, the county economic development authority staffers conducting the tour didn’t yet know which company they were working with, although they’d answered a site consultant’s request for proposal. The execs from the Billund, Denmark-based toymaker sought to keep it that way, avoiding revealing their Danish accents by letting their consultants do the talking.
“They told us later on, ‘The day we saw the site, we knew it was where we wanted to build. It was instant,’” recalls Chesterfield Economic Development Director H. Garrett Hart III.
In June, Lego held a festive news conference with Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin, announcing the company’s plans to build a $1 billion manufacturing plant on 340 acres at Meadowville to turn out its brightly colored toy bricks.
The problem? Despite local and state efforts atmarketing industrial sites in the commonwealth, the Lego factory is the only manufacturing project requiring an estimated 250 or more acres that Virginia has landed in the past seven years.
From January 2015 through September 2022, 121 new industrial projects requiring an estimated 250 or more acres were announced in the Southeast, according to the Virginia Economic Development Partnership. Combined, those projects generated more than $25 billion in capital expenditures and an estimated 58,000 jobs.
And Virginia won just one: Lego.
The commonwealth’s shortage of large, project-ready sites is the largest deterrent to Virginia landing these projects, economic development officials say.
Industrial megaprojects are worth competing for, says VEDP President and CEO Jason El Koubi: “If we want to achieve Gov. Youngkin’s goal of [creating] 400,000 jobs over his four-year term, if we want to position Virginia as a job growth leader, winning the big projects is critical.”
As of August, nearly 100,000 more Virginians were employed than at the end of January, when Youngkin began his term, figures that can be attributed partly to pandemic recovery. Even so, Youngkin, a former co-CEO of Washington, D.C.-based private equity firm The Carlyle Group, has said that he thinks the commonwealth has a long way to go in economic development — even as Virginia held the top ranking in CNBC’s Best State for Business report in 2019 and 2021 and currently ranks No. 3. (See related Youngkin interview)
Big sites have big payoffs. Between 2018 and 2021, large projects requiring 250 acres or more comprised 15% of companies’ site-search requests in Virginia but accounted for 51% of potential jobs and 78% of potential capital expenditures, according to VEDP.
Manufacturing projects also matter for small metro areas and rural regions of Virginia.
“For many regions of Virginia,” El Koubi says, “manufacturing projects represent the single largest industry sector by jobs of their announcements over the last five years. Winning in manufacturing and other industrial sectors is critical for the economic growth and vitality of many of Virginia’s regions.”
Virginia has reliably secured projects in the so-called “golden crescent” stretching from Northern Virginia south to Richmond and Hampton Roads but needs to diversify its economic development into other areas, says Gentry Locke Consulting President Greg Habeeb, a Republican former state delegate who represented Roanoke. Habeeb, who now represents companies exploring economic development deals in the commonwealth, would like to see Southwest or Southern Virginia land a car manufacturer or another project comparable to Lego.
“We have large swaths of Virginia with very talented workers, with low cost of living … where we have not been as good at landing the really big projects. That to me is kind of the next phase,” he says.
The lay of the land
Manufacturers’ decisions on where to locate are multifaceted, but site availability is the first step.
“If you didn’t even have the sites, then you couldn’t be out there doing your permitting activity, getting your utilities ready,” says Chris Lloyd, McGuireWoods Consulting LLC’s senior vice president of infrastructure and economic development.
“One of the most common reasons that Virginia has been eliminated [in the selection process] for large manufacturing projects is because we do not have an inventory of very large sites of sufficient readiness to meet the needs of those projects,” El Koubi says.
Virginia’s largest VEDP-certified site — those ready for construction in 12 to 18 months — is the Southern Virginia Megasite at Berry Hill, owned by the Danville-Pittsylvania County Regional Industrial Facilities Authority. Of the site’s 3,528 acres, about 1,900 are easily developable. The site has water, electricity and sewer infrastructure, and construction on a connector road will start in January.
Although Virginia economic development officials pitched the site to Hyundai Motor Co. executives, Hyundai selected a location near Savannah, Georgia, for its $5.5 billion electric vehicle and battery manufacturing plant. Announced in May, it’s expected to create 8,100 jobs.
“We had a 2,200-acre megasite. Even though it wasn’t pad-ready, all the due diligence and the zoning had been complete. That’s a big, big thing that companies are looking for, especially [for] megaprojects like this, where time is everything,” says Hugh “Trip” Tollison, president and CEO of the Savannah Economic Development Authority, part of the joint development authority that acquired the Georgia site for $60 million in 2021. The authority started work on due diligence, zoning, wetland impact studies and other necessary prep for the site about eight years ago, completing it ahead of the acquisition.
Including the Berry Hill site, VEDP lists only six certified sites with 250 or more acres in Virginia, two of which are privately owned, and only two sites of 1,000 or more acres. The Southern Virginia Megasite is the only property of those six that VEDP lists as pad-ready — graded and ready for the development of flat parcels that can support construction — in its site database. So far, 200 acres of the Southern Virginia site have been graded, and another 65 acres are under development.
A farmland property in Chesapeake could become another 1,000-plus-acre site, but it’s currently privately owned and zoned for agriculture. In 2017, property owner Frank T. Williams proposed the city create a 1,420-acre megasite there — the Coastal Virginia Commerce Park. As of September, an application to rezone the land was set to go before the city planning commission in November. Chesapeake City Council in 2018 approved an amendment to the city’s comprehensive plan to allow for the park. Council must sign off on the rezoning application in order for the Chesapeake Economic Development Authority to purchase the site and begin development.
Public ownership is a major competitive advantage, as manufacturers are focused on speedy approvals and construction.
“The essential question throughout the last six years was, ‘Well, it’s a great site, but you don’t own it.’ And we said, ‘Yeah, you’re right. We don’t own it,’” says Tollison with Savannah’s EDA. “And until we really owned the site and could control our own destiny, it was a difficult proposition to convince a company like Hyundai to come to a site that we didn’t own.”
In contrast to Virginia, North Carolina has four sites available that are larger than 1,000 acres. The state realized it needed to develop sites to compete for megaprojects about 15 years ago, says Christopher Chung, CEO of the Economic Development Partnership of North Carolina (EDPNC).
“There were a lot of these automotive assembly plants that were announced in the late ’90s through probably [the] mid part of the 2000s,” he explains, “and during that stretch, we just did not have a good site that was under control, assembled, optioned [and] had design and engineering — if not actual infrastructure — extended to them, and other states did.”
North Carolina’s state legislature authorized a site-readiness program but didn’t always allocate funding to it. Nongovernmental agencies, like the Joseph M. Bryan Foundation of Greater Greensboro and the Golden LEAF Foundation, which administers tobacco settlement agreement funds to North Carolina’s rural and economically distressed areas, filled gaps.
In December 2021, Toyota announced it would build a $1.3 billion electric vehicle battery manufacturing facility, expected to generate 1,750 jobs, at North Carolina’s Greensboro-Randolph Megasite. In August 2022, Toyota announced an additional $2.5 billion capital investment in the project, adding 350 jobs.
North Carolina’s western neighbor also joined the race to land manufacturing megaprojects years ago. In 2009, Tennessee purchased 4,100 acres of former farmland that became the Memphis Regional Megasite. By the time it landed a project in September 2021, the state had invested at least $174 million into developing the site.
Its new tenant is a joint venture between Ford Motor Co. and SK Innovations for a $5.6 billion, 3,600-acre electric truck and EV battery plant, which will create a projected 5,600 jobs.
Below the curve
Why are these states lapping Virginia? It comes down to funding and priorities.
Virginia has historically made much smaller investments in site development than its neighbors.
Manufacturing megaprojects weren’t always a priority for Virginia, says Lloyd with McGuireWoods. “I think some of it was, we enjoyed several decades of success with economic development projects, and maybe we weren’t as focused on that as other places,” he says. “We were seeing the big office projects, the Northern Virginia economy was humming along and … we weren’t as diligent as some of the other states in order to pursue those.”
In 2021, the Virginia General Assembly allocated $5.5 million for the Virginia Business Ready Sites Program (VBRSP), a discretionary VEDP program that provides grants to localities for site characterization and development. But in previous years, the state dedicated about $1 million to the fund annually. It’s difficult to calculate the cost of developing Virginia’s sites, El Koubi says, as VEDP has only preliminary information for some sites, and the VBRSP wouldn’t bear some costs, like utility infrastructure.
In comparison, Tennessee this year announced nine site development grants that totaled about $7.6 million. In 2021, Tennessee awarded almost $12.8 million in these grants. North Carolina’s Golden LEAF Foundation budgeted $15 million for its site development program this fiscal year.
However, Virginia’s 2022-24 state budget, signed into law in June, included a historic $159 million for the VBRSP to support site development. In former Gov. Ralph Northam’s outgoing budget, he proposed the program receive $150 million. While campaigning in 2021, Youngkin said he would support shifting $200 million in federal stimulus funding toward improving site readiness.
Among the VBRSP’s goals are providing localities with grants to develop new, “high-win potential sites” — properties that can support market demand and are expected to land a big project within 18 months of becoming project-ready. In September, VEDP began reviewing localities’ site-development grant applications. VEDP expects to announce awards in January 2023.
This is not a one-and-done solution, however. Virginia needs to continue allocating funds of this magnitude to site readiness in order to be competitive, El Koubi says.
To the south, North Carolina is chugging ahead on further development. In its budget signed in July, North Carolina launched a megasite fund with an initial $1 million for EDPNC to work with a site selection consulting firm to identify the state’s next megasites. Next year, EDPNC will present up to five potential sites to the legislature for development funding.
A more nebulous problem for Virginia is how it’s perceived by potential investors.
Although the commonwealth’s competitors know it isn’t the case, company executives might not see Virginia as a manufacturing state, North Carolina’s Chung says. “I just know being kind of next door to Virginia for eight years, Virginia’s perception in the market does tend to be heavily dominated by Northern Virginia,” which is driven by the defense contracting and technology sectors.
El Koubi acknowledges the same issue. “I would say that there’s a gap between the reality of Virginia’s strengths as a manufacturing state and the perceptions of Virginia, in part because of the underinvestment in marketing.”
VEDP’s current annual economic development marketing allocation, excluding tourism, is $2.7 million. Meanwhile, in June 2021, VEDP’s North Carolina counter-part launched a $3 million national advertising campaign focused on business recruitment. The EDPNC is set to receive $10 million each year for the next three fiscal years to continue the campaign.
Pittsylvania Economic Development Director Matthew Rowe agrees that companies’ perceptions of Virginia have been slow to change. “I think Virginia’s just now getting into the megasite game,” he says. “I think when a big company’s like, ‘I need a megasite,’ they’re automatically thinking of North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama.”
Gaining recognition and credibility once a state has a site takes time.
While having dinner with one company’s representatives, Rowe asked why they were looking at other Southeastern states when the Southern Virginia Megasite was closer to their customers. They answered that, in the eyes of their board, states that had recently won large projects must be doing something right.
But about 12 months ago, as its site-readiness advanced, the Pittsylvania site began receiving more interest, Rowe says.
Although he’s tight-lipped about the names of interested companies, Rowe hints that the Southern Virginia Megasite could land a deal comparable to Lego: “We literally do helicopter tours probably once a month with name-brand companies that most people would recognize.”
Last year, Lori Stacy found herself leading a unicorn.
The CEO of Norfolk-based Trader Interactive, an online marketplace for boats, recreational vehicles, motorcycles and other niche vehicles, Stacy helped shepherd the company through its June acquisition by Australian auto retailer carsales.com Ltd.
The Australian company paid $624 million for 49% of the business in August 2021, making it the company’s second largest shareholder. Then carsales.com bought the rest of Trader Interactive this summer for $809 million. At the time of the 2021 transaction, Trader Interactive’s valuation was estimated at well above $1 billion — making it, in venture-capital parlance, a unicorn, or a privately held startup with a total market value of $1 billion or more.
While nothing on the surface changed, Trader Interactive’s unicorn status did confer some bonuses — and challenges.
“Any time valuation is public, personally I don’t love that,” Stacy says. For one thing, she says, the attention draws poachers of tech talent, already scarce in Hampton Roads.
But she does allow that the status is great for morale. “Any time there’s success, it brings confidence and that’s great for our employees. They like to win and celebrate those wins,” Stacy says. “And a lot of our customers are excited.”
The influx of cash that valuation brought was nice too, Stacy acknowledges. “It gives us investment opportunities to try new things to support our clients. When you’re struggling to grow, resources are more scarce,” she says. But after CarSales.com’s investment, there was “a lot more room for experimenting. So, it’s a win all around.”
Becoming a unicorn has been the brass ring sought by tech companies ever since Silicon Valley venture capitalist Aileen Lee coined the term in 2013. At the time, she counted just 39 unicorns, primarily consumer tech companies such as Facebook Inc. (now Meta Platforms Inc.) and Google LLC. That list has since shot upward. According to Crunchbase, a database of venture capital information, more than 1,100 unicorn companies now exist worldwide, with 612 in the U.S., concentrated largely along California’s coastal tech corridor.
Virginia has its own stable of unicorns. According to international venture capital tracking firm Dealroom.co and other sources, at least 10 Virginia companies reached unicorn status in the last few years, though two went through IPOs last year and are now publicly traded. (See chart, Page 25.)
That elite list spans the state, from McLean-based kidney-care company Somatus Inc., valued at $2.5 billion, to Richmond-based fintech firm Mission Lane LLC, valued at $1 billion.
As in Silicon Valley, Virginia’s unicorns often have technology at their core.
“Virginia may not be Silicon Valley, but it is, pardon the phrase, a sort of Fiber Alley,” says David Touve, senior director of the Batten Institute at the University of Virginia’s Darden School of Business.
Touve points to Northern Virginia’s status as a cybersecurity hub. It’s also been a nexus of internet activity since the 1990s heyday of America Online’s Dulles headquarters, long before Amazon.com Inc. announced it was locating its HQ2 East Coast headquarters in Arlington County.
Virginia offers a lot of advantages for startups to succeed, says Dr. Ikenna Okezie, the Harvard-educated co-founder and CEO of Somatus, an artificial intelligence-driven kidney care startup based in McLean that recently hit a valuation of $2.5 billion. Okezie cites “great neighborhoods, school systems, access to great public and private sector jobs.” Plus, Virginia has a lot of natural beauty and “it’s geographically situated to attract top talent both locally and nationally,” he says.
Like the rest of the world, the commonwealth has seen its portfolio of unicorns grow in the past few years. Touve says that increase may be due to a “historical accident: the combination of greater amounts of private capital being managed by investors” — think inexpensive money during an era of low interest rates — “and the greater scrutiny of going public may have led to companies delaying [or] even avoiding a listing on a major exchange.”
Another possibility is that some of those unicorns … aren’t.
Stanford University professor Ilya A. Strebulaev caused a stir with a 2017 study arguing that unicorns on average are worth about half what they claim to be, largely because a handful of investors get sweetheart deals compared with other investors. In other words, some unicorns might be just $500 million horses with horns glued to their heads. Caveat emptor.
Trading up
Trader Interactive started as a publisher of modest newsprint booklets of ads for vehicles like RVs, motorcycles and boats. Its larger corporate sibling, Autotrader.com Inc., did the same for cars.
Stacy joined Trader Interactive in 1997 as a sales manager in her home state of Florida. Armed with a new bachelor’s degree in English, Stacy had sent her résumé to every publication she could find. One bit — Autotrader. She was initially reluctant to take the job. Sales wasn’t what she’d had in mind. What the company liked most about her résumé wasn’t her writing — it was her background working in retail sales and management for stores like The Body Shop and The Limited.
Still, she signed on to the company, which at the time was owned by Norfolk-based Landmark Media Enterprises LLC, as a sales manager. She excelled. After several promotions, in 2007 Stacy was tapped to lead the non-automotive digital side of the business.
To some, the role might have seemed like a step down. The non-auto segment — cycles, RVs and boats — was minuscule compared with the auto side. And back in 2007, the company’s online sales were a tiny fraction of its print media revenue.
But the company was about to go through a metamorphosis. Landmark began selling off assets, including its flagship property, The Weather Channel, which it reportedly sold for $3.5 billion to NBCUniversal Media LLC and two private equity firms.
Autotrader, now based in Atlanta and a subsidiary of Cox Enterprises Inc., became a top player in online car sales; it owns Kelley Blue Book and Autotrader.com, among other properties.
Its non-auto business was spun off as a new company, Dominion Web Solutions. Amid dwindling print ad sales, Stacy worked to push online sales to the forefront. “We could see where the customers were going,” she says.
Over the next few years, Dominion Web Solutions methodically expanded its online footprint, segment by segment, dealership by dealership. Eventually it shifted all its sales to the web. By 2010, the various verticals had been brought under one roof. The business expanded into new niches, including heavy equipment and commercial trucks.
In 2017, French investment company Eurazeo bought the business for $680 million. Stacy was named CEO of he renamed Trader Interactive. Under her leadership, the company doubled down on building online marketplaces for niche transportation purchases. Four years later, Eurazeo sold half its stake in the business to Melbourne, Australia-based carsales.com for $624 million, giving the Australian firm a toehold on the North American market and bringing Trader Interactive a $1 billion-plus valuation.
In June, impressed with Trader Interactive’s performance, carsales.com announced it would buy the rest of the Norfolk company, paying an additional $809 million. The deal was scheduled to close in September.
So, what’s next for the company? Stacy is focused on bringing the purchasing process completely online within the Trader Interactive system. Online shoppers will be able to search for features they want, locate vehicles, ask questions, manage paperwork, purchase and arrange delivery — all within an app or web browser. “Our industries are going to look really different a few years from now,” Stacy says. “I’m super excited about that.”
Mission first
One could be forgiven for thinking that after a big acquisition, unicorn leaders might be popping Champagne corks and looking to cash out, but leaders of successful companies like Trader Interactive are typically focused on measures other than market valuations, says U.Va.’s Touve.
“Getting rich is a weak or at least an unfortunate motive for founders,” he adds. “The more important goals are to create a great company that provides a compelling solution to a meaningful problem.”
For one of Virginia’s newest unicorns, the solution — and the problem — were keys to its creation. Electrify America, based in Reston, was born out of a legal case. In 2016, Volkswagen AG, the German auto giant, agreed to pay up to $14.7 billion to settle charges that it had for years cheated on emissions tests on its diesel cars. The settlement with U.S. federal and California state agencies included a provision that Volkswagen would fund infrastructure for electric vehicles.
Since then, Electrify America, the business launched to achieve this, has focused on building networks of high-speed charging stations that will work with any electric vehicle on the market. The company’s goal is to make filling up an electric car as straightforward as gassing up an internal combustion vehicle — just drive up and plug in, paying via a mobile app wallet.
That simple aim has proved complicated, says Matthew Nelson, Electrify America’s director of government affairs. Take for example the challenges associated with developing charging stations that can communicate seamlessly with different electric vehicles’ software, from Chevys to Fords to Teslas, while powering up their batteries in a quarter-hour or so — not to mention interfacing with banks and credit card systems.
“It took years to get this to work,” Nelson says. A testing lab in Reston hammers out many of the technical aspects of working with so many different systems before they are put into service.
With many of those bugs stamped out, Electrify America has opened over 800 stations with more than 2,500 chargers in 46 states, including two coast-to-coast routes, with plans to more than double that by 2026. It’s partnered with automakers including Kia, Hyundai and Ford to offer complimentary charges for some models.
Being based in Northern Virginia gives the company quick access to international airports and well-trained technical talent, Nelson says. It’s also close to Congress and federal agencies, as well as partners such as South Korean charger manufacturer SK Signet, whose American arm is headquartered in the region.
“I love the fact that we build things,” adds Nelson, whose background is in research and development industries that can take years to get to market. “Every week we open three or four stations. They exist. You can visit them.”
In June 2022, German electronics firm Siemens AG paid $450 million for a minority stake in Electrify America, marking Electrify America’s first outside investment. That vote of support placed Electrify America’s market valuation at $2.45 billion.
“We have a startup feel in some ways, but not in other ways,” Nelson says. “We aren’t motivated by the goal of going public. … We are a company built around the idea of solving a problem.”
Keeping score
For Expel Inc., a cybersecurity firm based in Herndon, the problem to solve is less technical and more interpersonal.
Expel co-founder and Chief of Staff Yanek Korff says that when he and his partners launched the business in 2016, “we were more excited about building a … company from a culture perspective than a security perspective. You could say it was about the journey.”
Korff and Expel’s other two co-founders worked at another Northern Virginia cybersecurity startup, Mandiant, which focused on defending systems against attacks by nation-states — “think China and Russia and Iran and North Korea,” Korff says.
About 18 months after Mandiant’s 2013 acquisition by FireEye, a Silicon Valley security firm, for $1 billion, Korff and two Mandiant colleagues, Dave Merkel and Justin Bajko, joined forces on a new venture.
They were inspired by a 2015 tweet by analyst Rick Holland. “I think the MSSP [managed security service provider] market is ripe for disruption,” Holland tweeted, comparing the industry to pre-Uber taxi services: “Customers aren’t happy.”
The three co-founders decided to pursue a company that would offer better service and innovations to cybersecurity clients, allowing customers to outsource technical expertise while maintaining their existing systems.
Getting started wasn’t easy. Access to capital and support was a major hurdle. “In Virginia, there aren’t a lot of companies that do this, that start from scratch and get venture funding and aspire to build a company that’s worth a lot of money someday,” Korff observes.
Drawing on their experiences, they found connections. “We were just barely knowledgeable enough to get things rolling,” Korff says. Working through VC firms, they built a network of informal advisers, including other founders, stretching from Northern Virginia to California.
The new partners encountered plenty of skepticism. During spring 2016, they met with close to 50 potential investors, Korff recalls. Previous startups had promised and failed to deliver strong network security and satisfied customers, but VC firms that had looked hard at the industry saw merit in Expel’s approach. By that summer, Expel had six investors, led by Washington, D.C.-based Paladin Capital Group, a tech investment firm.
Five years, many clients and five funding rounds later, Expel had convinced investors that it consistently was hitting targets for growth and quality. In November 2021, a $140 million investment from Paladin and CapitalG, Alphabet Inc.’s independent growth fund, brought the total invested in Expel to $257 million. Expel announced it had received a $1 billion valuation — making it a unicorn.
Now the company is focused on maintaining a healthy corporate culture in a working world that’s gone through a revolution. Before the pandemic, 70% of Expel’s workforce was based in Herndon, with the rest composed of remote workers from around the country. By this year, those proportions had reversed.
“That’s a different company,” Korff says, one that requires different approaches. On the plus side, it’s easier to recruit remote talent, no matter what coast they may be on. On the negative side, it can be tricky to build teams and camaraderie when members interact only through Zoom calls.
“We figured if we build a good company where people love to work and we know we’re solving a real problem, the outcome will be good,” Korff says. “The mindset wasn’t, ‘We have to hit this score.’ It was more, if we do this, the scoreboard will take care of itself.”
Virginia Del. Richard “Rip” Sullivan Jr. is one of the General Assembly’s biggest advocates for electric vehicles. But when the Fairfax County Democrat went to buy a car in 2018, he started feeling anxious about the electric cars on offer — particularly their relatively limited range, given the lack of electric vehicle (EV) chargers in the commonwealth.
“My local travels and commutes in-district would be perfect,” Sullivan says, but he got nervous thinking about his regular drives to Richmond for legislative business. “So, I blinked, and did not get my EV.” Instead, he bought a gas-powered Hyundai Elantra.
Sullivan told that story on the Virginia Capitol floor during the 2021 session. Electric vehicles, also known as EVs, have progressed in leaps and bounds in the year and a half since then — and Sullivan’s anxiety likely will completely evaporate by the time he buys his next car.
Manufacturers have gone all in on EVs. In a Super Bowl ad this year, General Motors Co. committed to an all-electric lineup by 2035. Last fall, Ford Motor Co. announced it would build would build a manufacturing campus in Tennessee to make an electric F-150 pickup and batteries for the vehicle, plus two more vehicle battery plants in Kentucky. Rivian Automotive Inc. and Hyundai Motor Co. both announced new electric vehicle factories in Georgia. Toyota Motor Corp. will build an electric vehicle battery plant in Greensboro, North Carolina. And Mercedes-Benz U.S. International is adding an EV assembly line at its Alabama plant, while Virginia-headquartered Volkswagen Group of America began production of an electric compact SUV at its Tennessee factory in July.
The federal government is getting in on the act, too. In November 2021, President Joe Biden signed into law the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, which will make available nearly $5 billion for states to build out a coast-to-coast network of 500,000 electric vehicle charging stations by 2030. Virginia’s share is $106 million over five years, beginning with a $15.7 million installment in fiscal 2022.
That investment will “enable families to make the transition to electric and get where they need to go safely and efficiently,” says U.S. Sen. Mark Warner. “Electric vehicles offer a clean and affordable alternative to traditional fuel vehicles. That’s one of the reasons I worked so hard to negotiate and pass our bipartisan infrastructure law, which included a record investment in electric vehicle charging stations.”
U.S. Sen. Tim Kaine is still calling for Congress to do more to spur the production and purchase of electric vehicles.
“Transportation is the largest source of greenhouse gas emissions in both Virginia and the United States,” Kaine says. “That means if we’re going to be serious about addressing climate change to protect Virginians from more torrential flooding and the dangers of rising sea levels, we need to do everything we can to make it easier for people to get from Point A to Point B in a more sustainable way.”
Sparking investment
The February announcement of the EV charging infrastructure funding prompted states to draw up their plans to build out their EV charging networks ahead of an August deadline — essentially the starting gun in a race to pave the way for electric vehicles.
Details around commercial electric vehicle charging are hazy so far. Many EV owners charge at home, but beyond that, the process quickly gets tricky. Some developers have added EV chargers at apartment complexes and shopping centers, but these vary. Some are universal chargers, and some are model-specific. Some stations charge much more rapidly than others. And some require payment to charge, while others are free.
Toward this end, Roanoke-based Virginia Transformer Corp. is manufacturing its E2V large-scale power modules (approximately 14,000 pounds and 8 feet by 9 feet by 14 feet) that commercial clients can use to develop custom commercial vehicle chargers. Each E2V unit includes multiple components needed to build charging stations, including transformers, switchgears, distribution circuits and breakers.
Another Virginia company that’s moving to fill the gap for EV chargers is Reston-based Electrify America. Volkswagen, which has its North American headquarters in Fairfax County, established the subsidiary company in 2016 after a highly publicized emissions scandal in which VW admitted cheating on U.S. emissions tests.
Electrify America has installed more than 800 charging stations with more than 2,500 chargers across 46 states. The company partners with Kia Corp., Hyundai and Ford to offer complimentary charges for some vehicle models. (Read more about Electrify America in our September 2022 cover story.)
The federal infrastructure bill should significantly boost the availability of chargers like those around the nation. Details of Virginia’s plan to access federal funding weren’t available as of early August, but federal officials generally seek to place EV chargers at least every 50 miles along interstates and major highways.
Virginia has a little bit of a policy head start on its Southeastern peers when it comes to electric vehicles.
During their two years in control of state government, Virginia Democrats passed landmark laws to decarbonize the state power grid by 2050 and begin the process of cutting vehicle emissions. In 2021, the General Assembly passed a law to implement a low- and zero-emissions vehicle program by adopting California’s emissions standards and electric vehicle sales targets.
The Virginia Automobile Dealers Association came out in support of the EV laws. VADA President Don Hall released a public statement during the 2021 session that was targeted as much at the organization’s members as it was lawmakers.
“As a dealer in Virginia, if you aren’t convinced EVs are your future, look at GM’s announcement of an all-EV fleet come 2035,” Hall wrote. “Look at your manufacturers and the direction they are headed. Start preparing. EVs are here to stay.”
State lawmakers also established a rebate program to lower the upfront cost of electric vehicle purchases but failed to budget any funding for it. Advocates’ hopes for new EV funding and legislation took a hit when Republicans won control of the governor’s mansion and the House of Delegates in the 2021 elections, but the ensuing General Assembly session hinted at the potential for bipartisan compromise.
Youngkin spokesperson Macaulay Porter points to a bill carried by Sen. T. Montgomery “Monty” Mason, D-Williamsburg, that encourages state government to purchase EVs if their lifetime cost is cheaper than gas vehicles.
“The governor knows that we can bring down emissions in Virginia with a common-sense approach that protects our natural resources and economic interests,” Porter says. “The administration continues to emphasize the importance of these products and this industry in our ongoing economic development strategy.”
Sullivan and Sen. Dave Marsden, D-Fairfax, co-sponsored legislation this year to establish a transportation decarbonization program to disburse up to $20 million annually in grants for private developers to install EV charging stations, covering 50% of nonutility costs in most localities and 70% in economically disadvantaged communities.
The bill didn’t survive budget negotiations, “but it spurred debate about how we implement infrastructure in rural areas,” says former state Del. Greg Habeeb, now a lobbyist and president of Richmond-based Gentry Locke Consulting.
“When people talk about electric vehicles and think about Teslas and people charging them in their garages, that’s great, but it’s really a tiny, tiny fraction of the public,” Habeeb says. That’s why the policy conversation is evolving to include consideration of multifamily rental housing and rural areas, he explains — “not highway corridors, not McLean [in Northern Virginia], but really getting into urban environments, rural environments [and] underserved environments.”
Sullivan and Marsden’s bill attracted bipartisan support. A related budget amendment by Del. Terry Kilgore, the House GOP majority leader, for rural charging infrastructure drew a handful of Republican votes in both chambers, but ultimately fell by the wayside after federal infrastructure money was announced for charging networks.
“That became a reason not to do anything at the state level,” Habeeb says.
The federal infrastructure money is intended to establish a network of chargers along interstates and major highways, easing “range anxiety” and encouraging more people to buy electric vehicles.
“The key is to get enough infrastructure so people buy vehicles, and the market can become self-sustaining, and then government doesn’t have to be involved anymore,” Habeeb says.
But, he says, that federal funding excludes many rural and urban areas not located along primary highway corridors. State incentives for “economically disadvantaged” areas in the Marsden/Sullivan bill were aimed at getting private developers to target those places, but once the federal money became available, state lawmakers put those considerations on hold.
Powerful advocate
Electric utilities like Dominion Energy Inc. also have some ideas about how the EV charger network buildout should be handled. Kate Staples is Dominion’s electrification manager. Part of her job entails helping people and businesses transition from gasoline and diesel vehicles, as well as from propane or natural gas in homes and factories.
Dominion has three priorities regarding EVs: Ease the process for customers to switch; expand access to charging infrastructure; and ensure the utility can meet growing demand with a grid increasingly powered by renewable energy sources such as wind and solar.
Dominion has been working with Virginia officials to assist in developing the state charger plan to receive federal infrastructure funding. The utility is also working with private companies to deploy chargers now.
For example, she says, Dominion “partnered with The Current, a mixed-use development in [Richmond’s] Manchester area with apartments and office space, to provide electric vehicle charging stations for tenants.” Dominion provided about half of the development’s 50 charging stations, which residents can use without additional fees.
Tension is already developing between Virginia’s monopolistic, regulated electrical utilities and its gas stations, which tend to be owned by independent franchisees. Gas stations might profit by adding chargers and selling high-margin retail goods to customers who are waiting for their cars to charge. But station owners are faced with the uncertain prospect of investing in chargers before the market has clearly taken shape.
“Our gas station clients are not aggressively proposing a shift toward EVs,” Habeeb says. “They want to find a way to preserve businesses for their families. I’m cynical about the role of utilities. Tomorrow, if you took every gas-powered vehicle off the road and replaced it with an EV, that would drive huge demand, deployment and distribution. All of that is investment for utilities to get a [guaranteed] return on.”
Staples, of course, sees it differently.
“I am an electric vehicle driver,” says the Dominion executive. “I charge at my house, so every morning I wake up with a full … tank. A gas driver can’t do that, so they have to go to gas stations. There needs to be significantly more gas stations than charging stations, because everyone can fuel up on electricity at home or a business.”
While Dominion Energy and Gentry Locke’s gas station-owning clients differ on the best ways to build charging infrastructure, they’re more aligned when it comes to electrifying school buses.
In 2019, Dominion launched an initiative to help Virginia school districts replace diesel buses with electric models. In its first phase, 15 localities received 50 electric buses that have clocked more than 300,000 miles so far. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency also is assisting with the transition. It named more than 80 Virginia school districts as “priority” recipients for its $500 million Clean School Bus Program.
The program funds about $375,000 toward each bus, and another $20,000 for charging, although it can vary by school district. In April, the program awarded $1.5 million to five Virginia school districts to replace 32 old diesel buses.
Replacing diesel buses makes a big difference in air quality. One diesel bus emits more than 54,000 pounds of greenhouse gases each year, according to Dominion — and air quality inside a diesel bus is five times worse than outside. Additionally, electric buses build grid stability because they can be used as batteries when not in use. EV makers are making this part of their pitch: Ford, for example, says the batteries in its electric F-150s can be used to power homes for days in the event of a grid outage.
Meanwhile, Campbell County bus dealer Sonny Merryman Inc. has started selling electric school buses, including to its home county, with the aid of an Appalachian Power grant.
“While this technology is still in its infancy, I think we can all agree it is the future of human mobility and global sustainability,” Sonny Merryman Executive Chairman Floyd Merryman III said during the ribbon-cutting event.
Energetic outlook
Other companies also are investing in electric vehicles with massive economic development announcements entailing enormous incentives and thousands of jobs. Virginia’s Southeastern U.S. peers have snatched a disproportionate share of these factories, including the neighboring states of Kentucky, North Carolina and Tennessee. Georgia pledged $1.5 billion in incentives to land a $5 billion Rivian EV assembly plant, and $1.8 billion in incentives for a $5 billion Hyundai EV plant — the latter of which nearly landed at the Southern Virginia Megasite at Berry Hill in Pittsylvania County, according to Danville Economic Development Director Corrie Bobe, adding that “making it to the final stage shows how well prepared the Southern Virginia Megasite is for large-scale manufacturing.”
The General Assembly approved $150 million in its budget this year to shore up utility infrastructure at sites such as the Southern Virginia Megasite. That may not sound like much, compared with the incentives Georgia is paying, but infrastructure improvements can help attract smaller companies in the EV supply chain — or in the supply chains for Virginia’s rapidly growing solar and wind energy industries. Or, for that matter, to entice companies like Amazon.com Inc. or Google LLC, which may not be directly involved in energy but want EV chargers and renewables to attract a talented, savvy workforce.
“That’s where we’ve been behind,” Marsden says. “These other states are ready to go. We haven’t been.”
That doesn’t mean Virginia hasn’t had EV-related wins.
Volkswagen announced in 2020 it had signed a lease to move its North American headquarters from Herndon to a 196,000-square-foot space at Reston Town Center. The German auto manufacturer is moving into the electric vehicle space in a big way, announcing a $7 billion investment in North America to boost its digital and electric technology over the next five years. That includes a battery lab in Chattanooga, Tennessee, where it also began producing its electric flagship ID.4 SUV in June.
Volvo Trucks, which manufactures all its North American tractor-trailer trucks in Pulaski County, set a global target to have electric vehicles account for half its truck sales by 2030. The Pulaski plant is contributing toward that target by making electric trucks, although Electromobility Product Marketing Manager Andy Brown says Volvo’s trucking customers also want vehicles that can run on hydrogen and cleaner diesel fuels.
Volvo announced in 2019 it would invest nearly $400 million to upgrade the Pulaski County plant, with a portion of that going to prepare for more electric production, says Mary Beth Halprin of Volvo Group North America. By 2022, the company had sold 62 models of its electric VNR truck.
“We prepared and adjusted our production processes, so that we are assembling all powertrain variants of the Volvo VNR (battery-electric, compressed natural gas, diesel) on the same assembly line,” Halprin says. “There was specific training developed so that the battery-electric trucks could be — and are — assembled by the same skilled, trained employees who assemble all VNR models.”
In addition to the huge investments being made by global automakers like Volvo and Volkswagen, perhaps the greatest predictor of EVs’ success is the fact that their economic development potential has brought Democrats and Republicans together in other Southeastern states. Lawmakers who usually are at odds are finding bipartisan consensus around deals that carry billions in investments and create thousands of well-paid manufacturing jobs.
While electric vehicles might still feel futuristic, their ability to bring political parties together seems like the most obvious indicator of their coming ubiquity on American highways.
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