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The bottom of the ballot

Congressional races don’t get the big spotlight in presidential election years, but the bottom of the ballot is still important, as presidents need some legislative cooperation to get things done.

In Virginia, two-term Democratic U.S. Sen. Tim Kaine is seeking reelection against Republican challenger Hung Cao, a retired U.S. Navy captain. All 11 of Virginia’s U.S. House districts, currently held by six Democrats and five Republicans, are being contested as well.

Kaine photo courtesy Office of Senator Tim Kaine;
Cao photo courtesy Hung Cao for U.S. Senate

Virginia’s races will play a role in control of the House, where Republicans hold a narrow majority, and the U.S. Senate, which Democrats control with a 51-49 majority.

The Kaine-Cao race will test whether Virginia can still be considered a reliably “blue” state. Except for the 2021 Republican sweep led by Gov. Glenn Youngkin, Democrats have won every statewide election going back to 2013.

In a statement to Virginia Business, Cao cheers “small business owners” who “create jobs and … are the backbone of our economy. We need to end burdensome regulations that squeeze small businesses out of existence.

“Far too often, only the biggest companies can comply with onerous and complicated regulations from government agencies. … Virginia can and should be a leader in industry innovation, from our national defense to energy dominance through clean American coal and small modular nuclear reactors.”

A former Virginia governor, Kaine also supports small businesses in a statement. “We have to do even more,” Kaine wrote. “Employers tell me that that they’re doing OK now but are worried about the future. A major worry is workforce. That’s why I use my position on the Armed Services and Health, Education, Labor and Pensions committees to prioritize career and technical training, work-based immigration reform and affordable child care that frees up skilled adults to fully engage in the workplace.”

In July, Kaine led Cao by 10 points in a poll of Virginia voters by Emerson College for The Hill.

As for the House, state Sen. John McGuire beat U.S. Rep. Bob Good in a GOP primary by fewer than 400 votes in Virginia’s 5th District. Good, chairman of the hard-right House Freedom Caucus, displeased party leadership by endorsing Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis for president over former President Donald Trump. Gloria Tinsley Witt won the less dramatic Democratic primary in June, but the seat is considered “safe Republican” by Sabato’s Crystal Ball.

Virginia’s 10th District in Northern Virginia also is an open seat; last fall, three-term incumbent Democratic U.S. Rep. Jennifer Wexton announced she would not seek reelection after being diagnosed with progressive supranuclear palsy. State Sen. Suhas Subramanyam, a Democrat, faces Republican opponent Mike Clancy. Biden won the district by 19 points in 2020, and it’s considered increasingly out of the reach of Republicans.

Virginia’s other open seat, in the 7th District, is becoming one of the most closely watched House races in the country. Democratic incumbent Rep. Abigail Spanberger, who flipped the seat in the 2018 midterms, announced last November she would step down to run for Virginia governor in 2025.

That led to packed primaries on both sides. U.S. Army veteran Derrick Anderson, a Republican, is running against another Army veteran, Democrat Eugene Vindman. Sabato’s Crystal Ball and the Cook Political Report both rank the race with a slight Democratic lean.

“The 7th is the most interesting and most competitive race in Virginia,” says A.J. Nolte, assistant professor in Regent University’s Robertson School of Government. “I think Republicans managed to get the do-no-harm candidate. Vindman is a first-time candidate. That can work out well for you … but there are always risks, especially with a first-time candidate who until not long ago was not a particularly progressive Democrat.”

A former deputy legal adviser for the National Security Council, Vindman already has something of a national profile, due to the roles he and his twin brother, retired Army Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, also with the NSC, played in reporting a phone call between Trump and Ukraine’s president that led to Trump’s first impeachment. 

The 2nd District race is the other Virginia House race considered competitive, with first-term Republican U.S. Rep. Jen Kiggans defending the seat against Democrat Missy Cotter Smasal.

RELATED STORY: High stakes — either Harris or Trump presidency could have big impacts on Virginia

What a difference a debate makes

Less than three months ago, President Joe Biden — you remember him, right? — stepped down from his bid for a second term and threw his support behind Democratic nominee Vice President Kamala Harris, radically redefining this fall’s presidential race.

Just before that happened, we were beginning to write this month’s cover story about the race, which at that time was shaping up to be a rematch between the oldest U.S. presidential candidates in history — less the Thrilla in Manila and more the Scuffle over the Scooters.

What a difference a debate makes.

Let’s not kid ourselves: None of the Trump-Biden debates in 2020 or 2024 were exactly Lincoln-Douglas affairs. It’s been quite a while since presidential debates were more about substance than soundbites and scoring points. But what the June 27 debate did do was illuminate the toll that age has taken on Biden, sparking efforts from within the Democratic Party’s most powerful players to seek his graceful exit from the campaign.

Biden’s debate performance was “the worst performance ever by a major party candidate in a general election presidential debate,” opined University of Virginia political sage Larry Sabato, though he was quick to qualify that didn’t “necessarily mean Trump turned in a good performance.”

Although Virginia was still trending blue, Biden was continuing to lose ground before Harris, 22 years his junior, took his place.

And then, on Sept. 10, following the first — and likely only — Trump-Harris debate, Trump’s campaign appeared to be going to the dogs. And cats.

The average American voter might not be able to remember exactly what the candidates said about abortion or supporting Ukraine, but they’ll likely remember this Trump quote about Haitian immigrants in Ohio: “In Springfield, they’re eating the dogs. The people that came in, they’re eating the cats. They’re eating — they’re eating the pets of the people that live there.”

ABC News debate moderators were quick to point out that Springfield city officials say there’s no factual basis for the outré allegations, which, as it turns out, were based on a Facebook post about a rumor from a friend of a friend of the poster’s neighbor’s daughter. The person who wrote the original Facebook post has since disavowed it, but that hasn’t stopped Trump and his running mate, U.S. Sen. JD Vance of Ohio, from continuing to insist that it’s true, prompting everything from silly memes to school bomb threats.

Here in Virginia, the presidential race is a high-stakes matter, with the careers of tens of thousands of Virginian federal workers potentially on the line, along with another trade war with China and the future of renewable energy projects such as Dominion Energy’s offshore wind farms. Read more about what the Trump and Harris campaigns are saying about key issues of importance to Virginia, as well as the latest on this year’s congressional races, in our October cover story by freelance writer Mason Adams.

But lest you take the wrong message from this short column, consider this: After 2016, it’s probably best not to trust polls. The smart money would never rule out former President Donald J. Trump and his loyal base — just ask Franklin County entrepreneur Whitey Taylor, whose Trump Town store you can read about on our StartVirginia page this month. Housed in a former Boones Mill church with a giant Donald Trump standing next to its entrance, Trump Town draws MAGA merch buyers from far and wide. And Taylor expects he’ll still be selling Trump ballcaps for decades to come. 

Boones Mill store plays Trump card

The red, white and blue Trump Town sign hanging high upon a former Boones Mill church is as prominent as a sign can be without being lit by neon. But in case drivers passing through town somehow miss it, there’s also a 15-foot cutout of a smiling Donald J. Trump leaning up against the building, which once was home to Boones Mill Christian Church and, later, Freemasons before transforming in 2020 into a retail store packed with merchandise celebrating the 45th president.

It’s a spectacle so grand, locals bring their out-of-town friends and relatives, brags Trump Town owner Donald “Whitey” Taylor. On a Friday in August, Susan Whitaker of Rocky Mount and her friend Louie Carbaugh, who was visiting from California, came to marvel at the shop at U.S. 220 and Bethlehem Road. “I’ve never seen a Trump store around L.A.,” Carbaugh says. 

Boones Mill Town Manager B.T. Fitzpatrick doesn’t believe Trump Town has made a significant impact on tourism in the area. “It’s pretty much been the same, other than the fact that some people just come by just to see it,” he says.

However, there have been some complaints about the dozens of Trump signs found on the lawn of  Trump Town. Not long after the Trump-themed store opened, town officials sent Taylor a letter noting that he was violating the town’s sign ordinance.

“We have not taken any code enforcement action on [Taylor] because, and this is where it gets kind of complex, his signs are his merchandise,” explains Fitzpatrick. “So, if I make him take all his signs down and put them inside his building, then I have to go to all the other businesses that have outdoor merchandise and tell them to do the same thing.”

Taylor, 74, also owns Franklin County Speedway, where he built a reputation for boosting racing attendance by staging pig races, mud wrestling matches and wet T-shirt contests. To increase foot traffic at Trump Town, Taylor set up a pen outside the store for three donkeys (dubbed Kamala, Hillary and Pelosi) but later rehomed them after deciding the smell might drive away customers.

Even without burros, business is good, says Taylor, who won’t disclose revenue. “I’m eating really good out of this,” he says. “I eat steak, even though … [the price is] so high with Biden in office.” 

Trump Town’s four part-time employees have sold dozens of pairs of $199 gold Trump sneakers, but hats and flags remain the store’s bread-and-butter, notes Taylor, who says the store saw between 60 to 90 customers an hour immediately following the July 13 assassination attempt against Trump. 

A proud attendee of more than 50 Trump rallies, Taylor claims to have spoken with the former president on three occasions.

Trump, Taylor tells customers, sent his helicopter pilot to scope the store, but the U.S. Secret Service vetoed the visit. (Asked for comment, a Secret Service spokesperson states that the agency “has no record of a request for former President Trump to visit Boones Mill.”)

Regardless of the presidential election’s outcome, Taylor, who is currently running for mayor in Boones Mill, thinks demand for Make America Great Again ballcaps won’t be diminishing anytime soon.

“This store will still sell merchandise 20 years from now,” he says.  

High stakes

The 2024 presidential race between Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris and Republican former President Donald Trump carries hefty consequences for Virginia’s economy that will be even more pronounced than in previous elections.

Presidents are limited by the constraints of Congress — particularly if either chamber is held by the opposing party — and the clunkiness of the vast federal bureaucracy. Yet Harris and Trump’s sharply contrasting views could reshape everything from the size of Northern Virginia’s federal workforce and the pace of carbon-free energy transition to a military realignment that could dramatically affect Hampton Roads.

“Given the candidates’ proposals, I think we could be looking at one of the most consequential elections for the Virginia economy in recent decades,” says Robert McNab, director of Old Dominion University’s Dragas Center for Economic Analysis and Policy. “The question is, how much of each candidate’s proposals are actually passable through Congress, and how much could be done through executive action?”

As of early September, a CNN poll of six battleground states showed a tight field, with Harris ahead in Wisconsin and Michigan, Trump ahead in Arizona, and an even split in Georgia, Nevada and Pennsylvania.

In Virginia, a Roanoke College poll in August showed Harris leading Trump 45% to 42%, a lead within the margin of error. The commonwealth isn’t exactly a battleground state like Pennsylvania or Michigan, and Republicans haven’t carried the state in a presidential election since 2004. In September, Axios reported that the Trump campaign appears to be scaling back efforts in Virginia while putting more money and work into Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin.

No matter which way Virginians vote, experts say, the next presidential administration could have big impacts for federal workers, government contractors, maritime businesses, agricultural enterprises and other industries in the commonwealth.

Federal workforce impact

Perhaps the biggest implication of the presidential race in Virginia involves its more than 140,000 federal workers and their families — the second highest number in the nation, just behind California’s 142,000 federal workers.

If Trump is elected in November, his Agenda47 plan includes several proposals that would dismantle the federal government’s presence in Washington, D.C. Those include shifting numerous agencies and departments to other parts of the country and removing civil service protections for wide swathes of employees to allow their replacement by administration loyalists.

“You’re talking about the potential relocation of tens of thousands of federal employees who work in Washington, D.C., and surrounding areas,” McNab says. “That would be a significant blow to Northern Virginia and would potentially shave tenths of a percentage point off growth for Virginia’s gross domestic product and would also impact income taxes and sales taxes in the commonwealth. Whether it would happen and the scope of how it would happen remains to be determined, but it is certainly within the purview of executive action that could be done.”

Vice President of the United States Kamala Harris appears on stage at a Harris for President campaign rally in Savannah, Georgia, on Aug. 29. Photo by Kyle Mazza/NurPhoto via Associated Press

Some of that impact might be buffered by the pandemic-era shift to remote work, which already has led some federal employees to relocate from pricey Northern Virginia. Yet Virginia’s economy relies heavily on the federal government. Six of the top 15 congressional districts with the highest concentrations of federal workers in the U.S. are located in Virginia. Many of those are well-paid jobs, offering median pay about twice as high as that of the private sector.

“It’s not just the quantity but the quality of those jobs and how much they support the larger economy,” says Hamilton Lombard, demographer at the University of Virginia’s Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service.

In response to questions about federal workers and defense spending, Jeff Ryer, a Trump campaign spokesperson in Virginia, sent the following statement: “President Trump’s commitment to modernizing and rebuilding our military, as well as his promise to build a missile defense shield, will directly benefit Virginia’s economy. He has made a very specific pledge, highlighted in the 2024 Republican platform, to restore the safety and beauty of our nation’s capital, a change that will benefit the entire region. Five of the 10 wealthiest localities in the United States are in the Washington metropolitan region, which won’t change.”

But U.S. Sen. Tim Kaine, a Democrat running for his third term this year, tweeted in July that Trump’s plan to move 100,000 federal jobs outside of the D.C. region “is unacceptable and would punish the many public servants in our commonwealth who keep basic services running. We can’t afford a second Trump presidency.”

It’s not as easy to predict how a second Trump administration would impact the plethora of federal contracting companies that are a significant part of Northern Virginia’s economy — whether a decentralized federal government would mean more outsourcing of work to contractors or lead to staffing cuts among federal contractors isn’t known.   

Hampton Roads, home to Naval Station Norfolk, the world’s largest naval base, also has an economy that relies heavily on military spending, and the presidential election presents divergent futures for that region. Both Harris and Trump back more funding for the military but have different global priorities.

Harris represents a continuation of Biden’s foreign policy, which includes taking a leading role in the NATO alliance as a counter to Russia in Europe. Like Biden, Harris wants to continue providing funding for Ukraine to resist the Russian invasion that began in 2022. But Trump, who has enjoyed a warmer relationship with Russian leader Vladimir Putin, claimed in 2023 that he could solve the crisis “in 24 hours.” Both Harris and Trump have expressed wariness of China, but Trump has taken a more hawkish stance, prompting concerns about military escalation.

Such a shift in focus from Europe to China could potentially affect military operations and defense contractors based in Virginia. The implications could be enormous, but geopolitical shifts inevitably take time to play out and are contingent on factors far beyond the reach of a lone president.

Also, as most political observers know, campaign promises are subject to change, especially when the president’s party doesn’t control Congress. On top of that, the 2024 presidential election has two unusual factors: a new candidate, Harris, who hasn’t rolled out all of her policies or specified how they differ from President Biden’s; and Trump, whose policies and views historically have fluctuated somewhat with polls and popular opinion.

Regarding the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 policy blueprint — a 900-page document that was compiled by dozens of powerful Republican thought leaders, including at least 140 former Trump administration officials — it’s difficult to tell how much of it would be enacted in a second Trump term.

Trump himself has made repeated attempts to distance himself from the document, calling some of its restrictions “dismal,” but his campaign’s Agenda47 platform has some similarities to Project 2025, which calls for eliminating up to 1 million federal jobs, slashing funding for the Environmental Protection Agency and rolling back green energy legislation supported by the Biden White House. Also, Project 2025 and Agenda47 both advocate restricting family-based immigration, as well as severely limiting work visas — which would have a major impact on some Virginia industries.

Harris, as vice president, focused on creating a diplomatic solution to address the root causes of migration from Central American countries, including high rates of violent crimes in those nations. She also advocated for a bill that would have lifted visa backlogs for family- and work-based green cards, but it stalled in Congress.

“I guess one of the problems with the current presidential election is there’s a lot of things being tossed out there,” McNab says. “Engaging which things would come to fruition is difficult, because what is rhetoric and what is an actual policy stance seems to be vague for both candidates.”

Energy priorities

The biggest priority for the Virginia Chamber of Commerce and its roughly 31,000 member businesses is to boost the national gross domestic product to at least 3% annual growth, says chamber President and CEO Barry DuVal. In Virginia, that means investing in workforce training, child care and affordable housing.

DuVal calls for an increase in infrastructure investment, particularly around Virginia ports. That includes a second proposed inland port in Southwest Virginia supported by state legislators in the region, and the rail infrastructure needed to link it to the coast.

DuVal also cites energy as a major issue for businesses, particularly the need to bolster the power grid for growing demand from data centers and the cloud-based economy.

“We are very hopeful that candidates will take an all-of-the-above approach [to energy generation] that would include wind and solar and renewables but also natural gas and nuclear,” DuVal says, echoing Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s stance on energy.

Under Biden, Congress passed two major bills investing in infrastructure and clean energy. That legislation included sizable tax credits for wind, solar, battery storage and the shift to electric vehicles. Electric vehicle and battery companies have started construction on factories across the Southeast, mostly in other states.

Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin shakes hands with Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump during a June 28 campaign rally in Chesapeake. Photo by Associated Press/Steve Helber

The Biden White House also approved auctions of leases for offshore wind plots in the Atlantic Ocean; currently, Dominion Energy leases the acreage for the Central Virginia Offshore Wind project under construction off Virginia Beach and also is securing offshore wind farm leases adjacent to that project and in North Carolina.

Harris, if elected, would presumably continue rolling out the investments laid out in the federal infrastructure packages, but Trump has promised he’d claw back the funding and roll back clean energy laws. He has specifically called out electric vehicles, which he views as an economic threat to American vehicle makers, and offshore wind farms, which he pledged to stop on “day one” of his presidency.

In his July speech at Radford University, Trump’s running mate, U.S. Sen. JD Vance, referred to Harris’ support for the “green new scam destroying energy jobs in Virginia and Pennsylvania, and driving up the cost of goods.”

Vance offered a different solution: oil and gas. “It’s simple: Drill, baby, drill,” he said on stage. “It’s not that complicated. We’ve got it right here. Our own workers want to get it out of the ground. Why don’t we just let them? It’ll make our country stronger.”

As of early September, Harris had not clarified her climate and energy stances, but the Democratic platform advocates for continued investment in clean energy, including solar and offshore wind, and strengthening the electrical grid. The Biden administration also issued a rule that would require 56% of all vehicle sales to be electric cars by 2032, up from less than 10% as of 2023.

Immigration questions

Looking broadly, “across the board, Americans care deeply about economic policies, about inflation and the cost of goods, followed by immigration and health care,” says Amanda Wintersieck, associate professor of political science at Virginia Commonwealth University and director of its Institute for Democracy, Pluralism, and Community Empowerment. “We’re seeing both candidates finally talk in a little bit better detail about the issue of inflation and economic issues.”

But immigration is still a flashpoint in the presidential race, with most of the rhetoric focused on the United States’ southern border. Trump regularly attacks Harris’s role in the Biden administration’s border enforcement, while Harris accuses Trump of using his influence to torpedo a bipartisan reform bill negotiated by U.S. Sen. Mitch McConnell, the Republican former Senate majority leader. According to the vice president, Trump got wind of the bill and convinced House Republicans to vote it down because he feared it could hurt his campaign, and Harris vowed to sign the bill if it comes to her desk as president.

Despite the political heat surrounding immigration, it’s more of a workaday issue for businesses in Virginia, from the tech industry to hospitality to agriculture, that need real immigration reform to help them address their workforce demands, DuVal says.

“From an economic perspective, America has to grow its workforce,” DuVal says. “We want workers to be legally imported workers. We don’t have a big enough funnel. Immigration reform is a top priority for us. We’re calling on our federal representatives to find bipartisan support for improving the immigration process.”

That call was echoed by Hobey Bauhan, president of the Virginia Poultry Federation. The state’s poultry farms and facilities in the Shenandoah Valley and Eastern Shore rely heavily on immigrant workers.

“Our nation needs legal immigration for healthy economic growth,” Bauhan says. “We also need secure borders. Unfortunately, the political climate in recent decades seems to preclude bipartisan compromises that would achieve both objectives.”

In particular, the poultry industry would like to see the establishment of a guest worker program geared toward nonseasonal employment.

“That would allow guest workers to stay in the United States for longer periods of time to address nonseasonal agricultural needs, such as poultry, which is year-round,” Bauhan says. But, he notes, “it tends to be polarizing and difficult to get enough people on the same page and get it across the finish line.”

Trade and the port

Both Harris and Trump contend they’d do a better job than their opponent in leading the U.S. economy to new heights, and a stronger economy would lift individual industries.

That’s the case at the Port of Virginia.

“More than anything, for us, what affects trade is the economy,” says Joe Harris, the port’s spokesperson. “Right now, we have a very strong dollar. We’re able to buy more abroad. The value of our goods going overseas is greater, which makes it harder for people to buy our exports. Our collective ability to purchase is great.”

The American Association of Port Authorities has pushed back on a new 25% tariff on cranes imported from China, an order from the Biden White House that was set to go into effect Aug. 1 with other tariff increases on Chinese-made electric cars, semiconductors and solar cells. However, the increases have been delayed to an uncertain future date, due to industry pushback.

According to a news release, the AAPA is concerned the tariff could cause “grave harm to port efficiency and capacity, strained supply chains, increased consumer prices and a weaker U.S. economy.” At the Port of Virginia, all 27 cranes are manufactured by Chinese state-owned ZPMC, and eight more cranes are on order from the company, set to arrive in December and next year.

Both Harris and Trump have expressed support for tariffs to some degree. A Harris spokesperson said in a statement to The New York Times that Harris would “employ targeted and strategic tariffs to support American workers, strengthen our economy, and hold our adversaries accountable.” The Biden administration kept some of Trump’s tariffs on China and even proposed an increase.

Trump, however, has proposed much higher tariffs on most imports, up to 60% on Chinese products — a position Harris has called a “Trump tax” that would cost middle-class families almost $4,000 a year. Economists say that may be a bit overblown, suggesting the true cost to families may rise to $2,600 a year, according to a USA Today article.

“President Trump’s commitment to make America the dominant energy producer in the world, strengthen and modernize our military, and roll back the Biden-Harris administration’s oppressive regulatory burden on our businesses and family farms will supercharge Virginia’s economy,” his Virginia spokesperson said in an email to Virginia Business.

Port spokesperson Harris was careful to distance the port from partisan politics.

“We try to stay outside the political fray,” he says. “We want to live and do business with whoever is in control of the White House and the governor’s office. More than anything outside of politics, the greatest influence is the economy.”

He does, however, note that potential issues also could arise “if someone in the White House wants to enact tariffs, or all of a sudden we find ourselves in a trade war.” 

RELATED STORY: Spotlight on 2024 Senate, House races

Va. early voting period ends with overall lower turnout

RICHMOND, Va. — Over 62,000 Virginians ventured out to the polls on a sunny November day for the last chance to vote early.

The early voting period saw 776,931 votes cast, with most of it done in person, according to data from the Virginia Public Access Project. Absentee mail-in ballots are still being accepted.

There was a 20% decrease in early voting this year, from the previous November general election and a 35% decrease from 2021.

Although early turnout is not as high as the past two years, “it’s pretty healthy,” according to Alex Keena, an associate professor of political science at Virginia Commonwealth University.

Democrats, who traditionally have higher early turnout rates, invested a lot of money into early voting for this election, according to Keena. Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s endorsement of early voting, through a bus tour and poll visits, seems to have helped combat Republican skepticism.

Republican early voting in person and by mail increased this year, according to VPAP.

“People have changed how they vote … it’s good to provide people more options,” Keena said.

Early voters like having the 45-day window before Election Day, and said it makes it easier to vote.

“I wouldn’t really have a ton of time on Tuesday,” said Jesse Houser, who cast an early vote at the west Henrico County registrar’s office on Saturday. “It’s just nice to not have a flood of people, it spreads out a bit.”

There was a steady line, but voter Alexander Appea said it moved quickly.

“I was gonna vote on Tuesday, but my wife wanted to vote because she’s working on Tuesday,” Appea said.

A series of laws passed in recent years to make voting easier includes the state’s recognition of Election Day as a holiday.

 “I have the day off, I’m a state worker, but it’s still easier to come out on a Saturday afternoon,” said Doreen Richmond. “The sun’s out, it’s pretty, I’d rather do it on my time.”

Others added civic duty to the “to-do” list on Saturday.

“I work full-time, I would be able to get off work to go vote but it makes it easier to knock all my errands out in one day,” said Emily Bradford.

Youngkin also stopped by the bustling poll place Saturday afternoon and was joined by several of the Henrico County-area candidates.

VCU Votes is a course and also a separate coalition of students, faculty and staff members. The organization hosted one of its many tabling events on Saturday. Volunteers informed students about same-day registration, what a provisional ballot is, and asked them to pledge to go vote — or “Ram the Vote,” a nod to the school mascot.

Virginia voters now have same-day registration, which means they can still vote in person on Tuesday, Nov. 7 even if they missed the registration deadline. They can register in person and immediately vote with a provisional ballot.

“We’re going to probably see a higher turnout,” said Lauren Hagemeister, a student currently enrolled in the class. “Especially with new methods of voting.”

House and Senate Democrats joined state Democratic party officials at the new General Assembly building on Friday to discuss voter protection. The press conference followed an announcement earlier in the week that an estimated 3,400 Virginians with felony convictions had been purged from voter rolls in an administrative error. The names have since been reinstated, according to the Virginia Department of Elections.

Democrats were adamant they would redouble efforts to ensure voter suppression does not occur this election.

“If they get a trifecta, the very first bills they will put in is to rescind early voting,” said Sen. Mamie E. Locke, D-Hampton.

All 140 seats in the General Assembly are up for election this year. Republicans hope to flip the Senate, and keep the House. That victory would lead to a Republican trifecta under the leadership of Youngkin, something the state has not seen in a decade. Democrats have cautioned voters that a slew of policy would be on the chopping block if they lose the Senate.

Control of each chamber comes down to a smaller number of races. There are 11 ranked as competitive by VPAP, and a handful of others that will come down to turnout. Many pundits consider Virginia a bellwether state, and the upcoming election a preview of how the next presidential election might lean. The statehouse races have shattered fundraising from 2019, with over $158 million raised between all candidates.

Locke urged voters to have their voices heard, and make a voting plan.

“Let’s make a plan,” Locke said. “It is critically important that we all participate in this society, in this democracy, in this common world.”

Polls will be open on Tuesday, Nov. 7 from 6 a.m. to 7 p.m. People with a disability can utilize curbside voting and other accessibility provisions. Voters who need a ride to the polls have several options statewide, including rides provided by both parties.

Capital News Service is a program of Virginia Commonwealth University’s Robertson School of Media and Culture. Students in the program provide state government coverage for a variety of media outlets in Virginia.

CNU poll shows tight race for GA control

A poll of 800 likely Virginia voters shows a tight race for party control of the General Assembly, which is currently split between Democrats controlling the state Senate and a Republican majority in the House of Delegates. According to results released Tuesday by Christopher Newport University’s Wason Center for Civic Leadership, 42% of respondents say they intend to vote for the Democratic candidate in their district, while 41% say they plan to vote for the Republican.

Early voting started statewide in September, and Nov. 7 is Election Day, when Virginia voters will cast their ballots to fill all 140 seats in the Virginia Senate and the House of Delegates. Although the 2023 races are fondly known as off-off-year elections, the combination of statewide redistricting and a virtually unprecedented wave of retiring and ousted legislators has focused a great deal of national attention and PAC funding on a handful of tight local races that could determine the state’s political power structure for decades.

According to the Wason Center poll, which was conducted Sept. 28-Oct. 11 via phone, the top issues among voters are the economy and inflation (27% of all voters polled; 41% among Republicans), abortion (17% of all voters; 25% among Democrats), and K-12 education (12%).

President Joe Biden, who is seeking re-election in 2024, has 41% approval among Virginia voters polled.

Meanwhile, term-limited Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin has 55% job approval, although majorities of Virginians polled disagreed with some of the governor’s positions, including leaving the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI); 65% of voters polled say they want the state to remain in the carbon cap-and-trade program.

Also, 54% of voters polled say they oppose a 15-week abortion ban that Youngkin and other Republicans have promoted as a compromise between the state’s current law that permits abortions up to 26 weeks (although third-trimester abortions require approval by three doctors who find a woman’s health is at risk), and 12-week limits in other Southern states.

The CNU poll indicates that 39% of those polled agree with a ban on abortions after 15 weeks, although more than 80% of voters said they favor legal abortions if the mother’s life is threatened, or if the pregnancy is unviable or the result of rape. Sixty-five percent say abortion should be legal if the baby is likely to be born with severe disabilities or health problems.

A 58% majority say that the state should allow retail sales of recreational marijuana, a process that was started with the decriminalization of marijuana possession and legalization for medical and recreational use in 2021, when both General Assembly houses were under Democratic control. However, since Youngkin was elected and the GOP regained control of the House of Delegates in 2022, lawmakers have not yet passed a structure for retail marijuana sales.

Another hot issue — parents’ influence in K-12 schools — shows a split among voters; 81% say they trust teachers to make the right decisions for school-aged children, although 67% support requiring parental notification if a student wants to use pronouns that differ from their birth certificate, and 65% would prevent transgender athletes from participating in sports teams that match their gender identity.

As political observers have noted, if Republicans retain power in the House and reverse Democrats’ narrow hold in the state Senate, Youngkin will have an easy time passing abortion limits, corporate tax cuts and other GOP priorities — as well as being in a prime position if he decides to launch a late 2024 presidential bid. However, if Democrats maintain their Senate majority and/or regain control of the House, the remainder of the governor’s term is likely to be a long two years for Youngkin.

More money for candidates

Additionally on Tuesday, the Virginia Public Access Project released campaign finance reports for Sept. 1-30, reporting political fundraising in excess of $1 million for Senate candidates in tight contests:

  • Democrat Russet Perry — $1,624,983 raised in September; $461,967 balance on Sept. 30
  • Republican Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant — $1,259,177 raised; $493,052 balance
  • Democrat Sen. Monty Mason — $1,233,585 raised; $225,988 balance
  • Republican Juan Pablo Segura — $1,075,450 raised; $26,354 balance

In the House, the top fundraisers for September were:

  • Democrat Kimberly Adams — $1,004,909 raised in September; $355,222 balance on Sept. 30
  • Republican Del. Karen Greenhalgh — $979,477 raised; $865,317 balance
  • Democrat Michael Feggans — $915,996 raised; $300,020 balance
  • Republican Del. Kim Taylor — $902,686 raised; $562,086 balance

Meanwhile, Youngkin’s Spirit of Virginia PAC raised $6.5 million in September, and as of Oct. 7, the political action committee has a healthy $6.5 million balance, after spending $6.2 million from Sept. 1 to Oct. 7, primarily on GOP candidates in close races. The Democratic National Committee also donated $1.2 million to the state Democratic Party in September, as Biden directed last month.

Battlefield Virginia

It’s a nerve-wracking time this fall for a small group of campaign managers, with the balance of power in the General Assembly coming down to a handful of close political races.

In House District 97, freshman Republican Del. Karen Greenhalgh is defending her Virginia Beach-centered seat against Michael Feggans, a Democrat who grew up in the city and served in the Air Force.

It’s a key, front-line race in the high-stakes battle for control of Virginia’s state legislature, with all 140 seats in the Senate and House of Delegates up for election this fall. (Early voting began Sept. 22 for the Nov. 7 general election.) Following extensive redistricting and an exodus of retiring legislators, politicos say it’s a tough call how the elections will shake out, but the outcome could determine the Assembly’s balance of political power for years to come. Races for both chambers will be closely fought, with the future of abortion access, tax laws, budget priorities and labor issues all in question.

According to the Virginia Public Access Project, District 97 is one of the state’s most competitive races this cycle. The district went 2.2 points for Republicans in 2021 and 5.2 points for Democrats in 2022. As of the Aug. 31 campaign finance reporting deadline, Feggans has raised $890,000 and Greenhalgh $852,955.

Greenhalgh founded Heritage Woodworks, a cabinet-manufacturing company she later sold, and Cyber Tygr, a business that addresses cybersecurity issues in health care. She also works as a manager for local crisis pregnancy centers, clinics that provide care — but not abortion services — to pregnant women. Four of 17 bills on which Greenhalgh was chief sponsor or chief co-sponsor passed last session. She was chief sponsor of legislation that would have expanded the parameters of written consent by people seeking abortions; the bill was killed in committee by the Democratic-held Virginia State Senate.

She also supports a 15-week ban on abortions favored by Gov. Glenn Youngkin and other Republicans, while Feggans has voiced his support for current state law, which allows abortions through the second trimester and requires approval from three doctors before a third-trimester procedure.

The candidates themselves say they’re running for office for less-complicated reasons.

“I have people in my district who are just like me, who live paycheck to paycheck,” Greenhalgh says. “As far as it being a swing district, no matter which party you tend to vote for, we want the same things: We want safe neighborhoods. We want good schools for our kids. We want good jobs to support families. Those are the dreams that everyone in my district has for their families and their children. I look for ways to make sure we don’t lose those opportunities in Virginia.”

Meanwhile, Feggans, who worked in health services management and started a cybersecurity company, touts his Air Force service and local and political ties. He previously interned in U.S. Sen. Mark Warner’s Norfolk office and for the state secretary of technology and earned his master’s degree in cybersecurity from Norfolk State University.

“I took all the experiences invested in me for 20 years to give back to the community that nurtured me,” Feggans says. “We know we have a pathway to victory. Virginia Beach is a military town. Not only my service record in the military, but my service to the community reflects who Virginia Beach is. I’m a product of Virginia Beach Public Schools and a product of Virginia colleges. I know I have a lot to offer to the city that raised me.”

On the verge

However homespun the candidates sound, politicos acknowledge that Virginia’s blueish reputation and recent legislative gridlock could change radically next year if the GOP wins a few tight races. Should Republicans attain majorities in both chambers, they have a chance to reframe Virginia politics. Corporate tax cuts and restrictions on abortion would be almost certainties.

“Democrats have been on the surge, but there’s a real possibility Republicans hold the House and take the Senate,” says political analyst A.J. Nolte, an assistant professor at Regent University’s Robertson School of Government. “They might have a trifecta for the first time in the state in a long time. That’s potentially an earthquake. People have gotten used to the idea Virginia is a more blue state, but let’s not forget [that] Republicans held both chambers as recently as 2018. Unified Democratic control is more recent.”

After a Republican ticket led by Gov. Bob McDonnell swept the 2009 races, Democrats won every subsequent statewide office — including both U.S. senatorial seats, governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general — until the GOP slate led by Gov. Glenn Youngkin won in 2021.

For his part, Youngkin has been active in raising money for Republican candidates in the June primaries and November’s general elections. In a very real sense, his political reputation and potential presidential aspirations are also on the line this fall. (See related story.)

Republicans are being propelled by Youngkin, who endorsed 10 successful candidates in key Republican primaries, and his Spirit of Virginia political action committee, which raised $5.9 million as of June 30.

“The governor made it a priority to recruit and endorse candidates in those races to make sure we had the strongest possible candidates going into the election cycle,” says David Rexrode, an adviser to the governor and chairman of Youngkin’s PAC.

This election, Rexrode says, “The No. 1, No. 2 and No. 3 issues are — order varies by district — jobs and economy, education and public safety. That’s what our candidates are talking about because that’s what our voters care about.”

‘Gutter politics’

Meanwhile, Democrats largely are training their attacks on former President Donald Trump’s continuing influence in the Republican Party, and the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2022 Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization ruling, which overturned the federal right to abortion, ceding authority to states.

“Frankly, the stakes couldn’t be higher for Virginians, especially Virginia women,” says Liam Watson, press secretary for the Democratic Party of Virginia. “We all know what’s at stake this year is abortion rights — not just for Virginians but across the South. Virginia is the last Southern state without a post-Dobbs abortion ban. The GOP in Virginia right now at all levels is pushing for a ban on abortion. We know what Republicans are about; it’s not a mystery what they’d do if we give them full control of our government here in Richmond.”

Speaking about abortion access, Democratic Virginia House Minority Leader Don Scott of Portsmouth says, “The only people trying to pretend it’s not on the ballot are MAGA Republicans.”

Nolte says the Democratic caucus has been slowly transforming for years, but with mass retirements and primaries, moderates have largely given way to younger, more progressive candidates. Meanwhile, he adds, Youngkin’s money and influence largely overcame national trends and defeated “MAGA, flame-throwing folks” in GOP primaries, such as Del. Marie March and Sen. Amanda Chase, who lost battles against more moderate Republican challengers.

Youngkin’s Virginia organization “is heavily focused on training, heavily focused on [building] disciplined, technically proficient campaigns,” Nolte says, but is “not as much focused on big-ticket messaging.”

In response to Youngkin’s PAC largesse, President Joe Biden in September directed the Democratic National Committee to add $1.2 million in contributions to Democrats running for Virginia legislative seats, bringing the DNC’s total to $1.5 million.

“When we had the majority, the biggest thing we did was make sure this economy works for everybody,” Scott says. “Virginia was named the No. 1 state for business in the country twice during that time. The governor now, who is supposed to be a business guy, hasn’t been able to accomplish that.”

Although many of the November candidates prefer to focus on local, less hot-button issues than abortion, it’s clear that the Virginia General Assembly’s more collegial, compromise-friendly tenor will change next year because of the number of retired legislators and lame-duck incumbents leaving office in January.

Lawmakers with a combined 649 years of legislative experience will not return to the General Assembly in 2024, according to former Republican Del. Chris Saxman, executive director of Virginia FREE, a nonpartisan, business-focused political organization.

The 2021 statewide redistricting placed a significant number of incumbents in the same district, leading to retirements and hard-bitten primaries. Many who made it through the June primaries now have a clear path to election in November due to the makeup of their districts, except in a handful of toss-up districts that will determine political control.

With both parties eager to motivate voters, competitive races are hinging largely on negative campaigning, says political analyst Stephen Farnsworth, a political science professor at the University of Mary Washington and a longtime observer of the legislature.

“The key thing is getting your base out,” Farnsworth says. “The demonization of the other side is a tried-and-true strategy for getting your voters to actually turn out, and the way that’s done is to create sort of funhouse mirror images of the opposing party.”

One notable example is the battleground 57th District race for an open seat in Henrico and Goochland counties. In September, a Republican operative informed The Washington Post that Democratic candidate Susanna Gibson, a nurse practitioner, had performed sex acts with her attorney husband for tips on a streaming porn website, leading to a slew of spicy national headlines. The operative has denied any connection with Gibson’s GOP opponent, David Owen, former co-owner of Goochland-based Boone Homes. Gibson has framed the incident as “gutter politics” and an attempt to intimidate, silence and humiliate her. Her attorney has argued that the leaked content violates the state’s revenge porn laws, however Gibson knowingly appeared live on a porn website that didn’t require a password for access.

Democratic state Del. Schuyler VanValkenburg is running for state Senate in Henrico against an incumbent who he says is “drastically out of touch” with constituents on abortion access. Photo courtesy of Del. Schuyler VanValkenburg

Negative campaigning only exacerbates a concurrent shift that mirrors national politics — a growing number of elected officials are less likely to cross party lines in support of bipartisan, moderate policies.

“When elections are conducted in this fashion, you find very few moderates elected and find very little opportunity for compromise,” Farnsworth says, “because, after all, you basically spent the general election making the argument the other side is in thrall to the things your voters hate. Increasingly, Virginia is looking a lot like Capitol Hill when it comes to partisan gridlock and hot-button issues.”

The new lines could end up favoring Democrats because the new districts skew the balance of power to suburbs, whether in Northern Virginia, Hampton Roads or the Richmond metro region, Farnsworth notes, so candidates on both sides are carefully tailoring their campaign messages to appeal to moderates.

Walking a fine line

Take Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant, a two-term Republican incumbent from western Henrico County. An OB/GYN, she was the only Republican to join Democrats in defeating Greenhalgh’s abortion information bill.

She won an open seat in 2015, then eked out a narrow re-election victory amid the Democratic wave of 2019. She’s now running in Senate District 16, which went for Democrats by 6 percentage points in 2021 and 10 percentage points in 2022, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.

Positioning herself as a common-sense moderate, incumbent Republican state Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant is running to keep her seat in a Henrico district she describes as “purple.” Photo courtesy Sen. Siobhan Dunnavant

Dunnavant, who pitches herself as a down-to-earth citizen legislator in pursuit of straightforward fixes to policy problems, is running against Democrat Del. Schuyler VanValkenburg, a Henrico County teacher who has served in the House since 2018. It’s a must-win for both parties as they seek control of the Democratic-held Senate.

“I am in one of those purple seats that is even more favorable for Democrats,” Dunnavant says, “and yet, I’ve won it before, and I’ll win it again because of the fact that I actually work hard on common-sense bills that make a difference in my constituents’ lives.”

Dunnavant has focused on bipartisan legislation she sponsored to standardize health care records and establish dual-enrollment credits among high schools, community colleges and public four-year universities. But she also generally backs Youngkin’s position to place restrictions on abortion after 15 weeks, with exceptions for rape, incest, life of the mother and severe birth defects, and to restrict the procedure altogether in the third trimester. VanValkenburg, who did not respond to interview requests, has said that Dunnavant’s position on abortion is “drastically out of touch.”

Through Aug. 31, Dunnavant raised $1.9 million, and VanValkenburg brought in $1.6 million.

On the Democratic side, Sen. Montgomery “Monty” Mason of Williamsburg has focused his campaign to retain the seat he’s held since 2017 on his business background, which includes his current job as a senior director for Visa and his previous stint as chairman of the Williamsburg Economic Development Authority board. Mason says he’s well-positioned to run in a seat that leaned 1.1 points toward Democrats in 2022, according to VPAP.

“I’m a good person to give a 50/50 district to,” Mason says. “I’m a moderate. I have a lot of veterans in my district. Of course, school safety and discussions about gun safety and how to protect children have been an enormous topic of conversation.”

Mason says a large contingent of military veterans in the district have expressed support for Republican-backed tax relief, while a significant number of voters are talking about safety and funding for schools.

As of Aug. 31, Mason raised $2 million, and his Republican challenger, Danny Diggs, raised $1.3 million.

Mason’s biggest funder so far this year is Dominion Energy, a polarizing campaign donor. Many Democrats have received money from the utility, but others have made a point of rejecting its donations. The latter have been supported by Clean Virginia, a PAC that supports candidates who spurn Dominion funding. In March, Clean Virginia said it expected to spend $2.5 million on Virginia elections this year.

Dominion has made significant contributions to Republicans and Democrats for years, but the Fortune 500 utility’s expansive influence has become a source of controversy, particularly among Democratic delegates in fierce primary battles. As of Aug. 31, Dominion had contributed $3.2 million to Democratic PACs and candidates in state races, and $2.6 million to Republicans, according to the Virginia Public Access Project.

With more legislators caught up in partisan or intraparty political battles than ever before, businesses and individuals who wish to stay in the good graces of whoever holds the power in Richmond face hard choices.

“In today’s Virginia politics, there will be a lot more lawmaking from a more decidedly liberal or decidedly conservative perspective,” Farnsworth says. “That means that elections have higher stakes in terms of the outcome, but they also are more risky for business. If you back the wrong party, that’s bad for you.” 

RELATED STORY: Youngkin’s 2024 tightrope walk depends on Va. elections

Shenandoah Valley Partnership launches capital campaign

Shenandoah Valley Partnership (SVP) is raising $1.7 million through its first capital campaign, Forward2028, to fund a five-year plan aimed at business and workforce attraction and retention.

The region’s manufacturing sector alone has 3,100 job openings due to older workers retiring and companies ramping up production, says Jay Langston, executive director of the economic development marketing organization, which covers 12 localities from Rockbridge County to Shenandoah County. “Businesses can’t grow unless they have people to put in those positions,” he says. 

The partnership’s five-year plan calls for building relationships with commercial real estate brokers and site selection firms to attract new businesses, as well as creating an SVP web portal listing job openings and where to get relevant education or training, says Langston.

The region’s community colleges and universities produce about 9,500 graduates per year, he says: “If we were to capture just 900, or 10% of that number, think about the impact that would have on our economy.”

Chris Ellis, a senior vice president at Truist Financial Corp. in Harrisonburg and Rockingham County who serves on the campaign committee, says, “Growth and retention are so important. Not only do we need the workforce, but obviously the healthier the economy, the better it is for [Truist] and the services we’re able to provide.”

Currently, 120 companies and individuals invest in SVP to help fund its business and marketing activities. The partnership launched the quiet phase of its capital campaign in October 2022, says campaign chair Greg Godsey, a commercial market executive at Atlantic Union Bank in Harrisonburg.

Besides attraction and retention, the plan’s priorities include performing due diligence on undeveloped industrial sites and helping match them with developers; improved marketing of the region’s sites and infrastructure; and exploring the creation of a regional industrial development authority.

“That’s resonated well,” he says. “A lot of [investors] doubled … what they’d given in the past.” The campaign, which officially kicked off Jan. 31, raised a little over $1.5 million by mid-April through donations from hospitals, financial institutions and other businesses. Godsey expected to reach the campaign’s $1.7 million goal before June 1.

“It’s been gratifying,” he says. “The partnership is well-known and respected. We want to take it to the next level to compete with others in Virginia and surrounding states.”  

2022 Political Roundtable: Red wave? Maybe a puddle

On balance, Democrats came out winners in the 2022 midterm elections, having staved off a widely forecast “red wave” of Republican victories, according to panelists at Virginia Business’ annual Political Roundtable, held Wednesday, Nov. 9, in Richmond.

The idea of a red wave or “red tsunami” was “perhaps … a bit of a myth … largely created by the media,” noted Amanda Wintersieck, associate professor of political science at Virginia Commonwealth University. Political scientists, she said, weren’t predicting overwhelming Republican victories — despite inflation being at a 40-year high and President Joe Biden’s approval ratings remaining low.

Ahead of the midterms, political prediction markets like Predictit.org, she added, indicated that control of the Senate was a toss-up, leaning toward Democrats, and that Republicans were slightly favored to regain control of the House.

Control of the two bodies has not yet been determined, though it appears likely that Republicans may gain control of the House. Meanwhile, the balance of power in the Senate could hinge on on an early December runoff race in Georgia between Democratic incumbent U.S. Sen. Raphael Warnock and Republican NFL all-star Herschel Walker.

Panelists who took part in the 16th annual Virginia Business Political Roundtable at the Richmond Marriott included: James W. “Jim” Dyke Jr., senior state government relations advisor with McGuireWoods Consulting; University of Mary Washington Professor Stephen Farnsworth; Gentry Locke Attorneys partner and Republican former state Del. Gregory Habeeb; Regent University Assistant Professor Andrew J. “A.J.” Nolte; and Wintersieck.

The panelists noted that candidates ideologically aligned with or endorsed by former President Donald Trump lost their races or underperformed, notably including Pennsylvania Senate candidate Dr. Mehmet Oz, who lost to Pennsylvania Lt. Gov. John Fetterman.

“Southeastern Pennsylvania, the very suburban area outside of Philadelphia, where there’s a lot of highly affluent, college-educated white voters who tend to be more socially liberal — Oz really needed those voters,” Nolte said. “He was not going to get Trump numbers out of the Trumpy areas of Pennsylvania.”

Habeeb added that “candidates really, really matter” in terms of appeal. “We live in a very 50-50 country. I think [2021] redistricting did have a role in lots of states at the House level, although it nets out because there’s pluses and minuses for each party.”

In any event, Habeeb said, the midterms “did not become a referendum on Biden.”

The U.S. Supreme Court’s June ruling overturning Roe vs. Wade did motivate some voters, panelists said, as did feelings about Trump and the false “stolen election” narrative.

“The Democrats, looking at economic anxiety, high inflation, and the relatively middling evaluation of Biden, had a problem if the conversation was about the economy,” Farnsworth said, noting that Trump and abortion were “two different narratives [for Democrats] to choose from.”

In Virginia, political watchers had their eyes on three heavily contested House races in which incumbent Democrats Elaine Luria, Abigail Spanberger and Jennifer Wexton were defending their seats in redrawn districts. Spanberger and Wexton won their races by a few points, while Luria lost in Hampton Roads to Republican state Sen. Jen Kiggans.

Dyke said that Luria’s redrawn district, which skewed slightly more Republican, was a significant factor. A slightly bluer district helped Spanberger — but Dyke also cited a flawed campaign by Trump-backed GOP challenger Yesli Vega, a Prince William supervisor who took controversial, far-right stances.

Speaking about midterm trends, Dyke added, “With all these election deniers, from what I’ve been able to see is [that] most of those have gone down to defeat because, hopefully, people recognize that preserving our democracy is very, very important.”

Vested interest

Eleven months into his first term in elected office, Gov. Glenn Youngkin can boast of several economic development successes and a few legislative wins, but one thing a lot of observers are discussing is his national profile and what it could mean in 2024.

Youngkin — and his careful campaign to win over not only Trump fans but moderates who didn’t support the 45th president — is of keen interest to politicos who see him as a possible model for other GOP candidates seeking office.

The governor’s frequent appearances on Fox News and his hectic travel schedule, which has included trips to stump for Republican candidates in Connecticut, Maine, Arizona, Michigan, Oregon and other states, has raised questions about whether Youngkin views his governorship as a steppingstone to a presidential run in 2024.

During an October appearance on CNN’s “State of the Union,” Youngkin said the Republican Party “has to be a party where we are not shunning people and excluding them, because we don’t agree on everything.”

Virginia state Sen. Louise Lucas, who has made a cottage industry out of poking at Youngkin on Twitter, joked in September that the governor “has spent so much time in Texas that now he thinks Virginia is a border state.” Along more serious lines, she and other Senate Democrats have vowed to block abortion restrictions proposed by the governor and have spoken out against Youngkin’s new educational policies regarding transgender students. Many Democrats view the moves as discriminatory, although Youngkin said it’s meant to involve parents more fully in their children’s schooling.

In Virginia Business’ check-in with the governor, he doesn’t completely rule out running for president in 2024 but argues that his appearances in political battleground states are mainly to repay the Republican Governors Association for its support of his campaign.

Meanwhile, Youngkin has yet to embark on — or announce — any international trade missions but says he does plan to travel overseas on behalf of the commonwealth once Virginia’s economy is “sorted out.”

The former Carlyle Group co-CEO is much more comfortable talking about Virginia’s recent economic wins, including The Lego Group’s $1 billion toy factory and Plenty Unlimited Inc.’s $300 million indoor vertical farm operation, both coming to Chesterfield County. There are also the recent corporate headquarters relocations of Raytheon Technologies Corp. and Boeing Co. to Arlington, making Virginia home to the second- and third-largest space and defense contractors in the world.

In recent months, Youngkin, who has been skeptical of the state’s move toward decarbonization, unveiled a new energy policy, calling for increased investment in nuclear power. He also has called for overhauling the state’s workforce development efforts, saying that realigning the efforts of numerous agencies and hundreds of programs statewide under one umbrella will be a key part of his 2023 legislative agenda. “At the end of the day,” the governor says, “companies need workers.” — VB editors

Virginia Business: As you near the completion of your first year in office, how do you think your administration’s economic development efforts compare so far with previous governors?

Gov. Glenn Youngkin: I am very encouraged by our first eight months, and I think what we have really demonstrated is, first, Virginia’s open for business. Unfortunately, over the previous eight years, we didn’t really grow much, less than 1% on a compounded rate. We really didn’t add many jobs over the eight-year period. One of the things that I’ve been really focused on is getting our job engine cranked back up.

Youngkin speaks at a Sept. 22 fundraiser for Kansas gubernatorial candidate Derek Schmidt at Hayward’s Pit Bar B Que in Shawnee, Kansas. Photo by Mark Reinstein/MediaPunch/IPX

I think for the first six months, we were just up under 100,000 jobs. That’s very exciting, because that’s a faster rate than we’ve ever grown. It’s really important that we start growing. We were 47th in job recovery coming out of the pandemic in 2021. Now we’re in the top 15. [Editor’s note: From August 2021 to August 2022, Virginia gained an estimated 118,100 jobs, according to the Virginia Employment Commission. As of early September 2021, Virginia ranked 49th in percentage of jobs recovered since February 2020. As of June 2022, Virginia was 27th in job recovery, according to U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics data.]

The second big thing that we’ve been able to do is demonstrate that we have a package of initiatives that are taking Virginia, which is a wonderful state for business, and we’re going to make it the best. That’s our big tax cuts that we got done in the first budget cycle … [and] our hard work on making sure we’re addressing an … overburdensome regulatory environment. Our Office of Regulatory Management is off and running.

All the work we’re doing on workforce … is hugely important in order to give companies confidence that we’re going to educate and build the workforce of the future.

Then, finally, work we’re doing to be ready for companies — sites investment, site development, is hugely important. I think that’s translated into some great wins.

… We see companies come from other states, like Boeing and Raytheon, companies that are here, like Hilton and Google, growing, [and] we see international businesses coming here like Lego … picking Chesterfield County. … Then we see new industries starting, and in the whole indoor-growing world, which has found a new hub in Virginia, where we all of a sudden see Plenty [Unlimited] and AeroFarms.

We got a lot to do, though. I want to continue to work on our regulatory environment. I want to continue to get taxes down. We got to continue to build workforce. We’ve got to continue to invest in our transportation infrastructure. We got a long way to go, but so far, so good.

VB: We lost a $5.5 billion Hyundai plant to Georgia, partly because the Southern Virginia Megasite wasn’t as ready as Georgia’s site. What do we need to do to be more competitive in landing deals like this?

Youngkin: This has unfortunately been an issue that’s been unaddressed by previous administrations, and states around us were addressing it. We weren’t ready. We called for and submitted an amendment into the [2022] budget process to put $150 million into site development and site readiness. In the grand scheme of things, it’s not going to be enough, and we’re going to have to put more in. We have got to rapidly accelerate the development of sites and, particularly, megasites. [Editor’s note: Youngkin’s predecessor, Gov. Ralph Northam, also advocated for the $159 million allocation that the General Assembly approved this year for the Virginia Business Ready Sites Program. Before that, the Assembly invested roughly $1 million per year in site readiness.]

We’re behind. It takes time to catch back up. The funding is important. We are … prioritizing the best sites around the commonwealth and starting to invest in them. I think this is going to be our last step of really going to the forefront for these megaprojects.

We’ve got the automotive industry reshoring, we’ve got the chip industry … reshoring, pharmaceuticals reshoring. We want them all in Virginia, and we need to make sure we have sites ready for them.

VB: Georgia offered more than $1 billion in incentives to Hyundai. Should Virginia be offering larger incentives?

Youngkin: We don’t have a problem in losing the incentive battle. We’re losing the site battle, and that’s the bottom line. … The reality, of course, is that when a company is going to put $6 [billion], $8 [billion or] $10 billion in the ground, the difference of 12 to 18 to 24 months in being up and running matters a lot, and that’s where Virginia’s behind.

We have found a very comfortable construct to compete from an incentive standpoint. I think we’ve been successful. Lego demonstrated that, and the Plenty [Unlimited] arrangement demonstrated that. I’m very pleased with the effort that we’re putting forth in order to provide the right incentive package.

I think when we have all of our sites caught up … [and] bring to bear all the great things that the commonwealth has plus competitive incentive packages, we win. We have the best location: Virginia’s within a day’s drive of half the country’s population. With the Port of Virginia, we have the best logistics hub on the East Coast. … We have got a great offering for companies. The big thing for us is getting our sites ready.

VB: Every Virginia governor for at least the last 20 years has gone on foreign trade missions, but so far, you haven’t. What are your plans for marketing Virginia overseas?

Youngkin: I do plan on going. … I’ve traveled a lot during my business career and have extensive relationships in lots of places. I believe that the best opportunities for the commonwealth right now are for us to get our economic situation sorted out and to help the businesses that are here [to] grow and attract businesses that want to come to the United States or to Virginia. I do expect that I’ll go on trade missions.

VB: You’ve made high-profile trips to support GOP gubernatorial candidates across the nation. What do you say to people speculating that you’re planning a presidential run?

Youngkin: I think it’s representative of where we are politically. … I’m flattered by it all the time, but at the end of the day, I have been in this position for less than a year. I understand we’ve flipped a state that had been blue. … I also understand that people are excited about the fact we’ve delivered on our Day One game plan and gotten Virginia moving. Right now, I’m really focused on being the best governor that I can be.

I’m very honored to be able to help some gubernatorial candidates around the country. The Republican Governors Association was hugely helpful to me when I was running, and it’s a chance for me to return the favor for other governors. I’ve only been working on governors’ races … and then working in the commonwealth to help Republican congressional candidates get elected.

VB: What are your economic development priorities for 2023? What sectors are you looking to grow?

Youngkin: First of all, there’s building blocks that have to continue to be put in place. This is sector-agnostic at this point. One, we have to get sites moving, and that’s megasites and some of the smaller sites. Second of all, we have to continue with our massive push in workforce development. Companies don’t want to come here if they don’t think they can have a great workforce.

Finally, we’ve got an overall cost-of-business regulatory framework that I think we can go a long way on. … We are cutting anti-business regulatory hurdles.

On top of that, there are a number of sectors that we find ourselves really growing quickly in. I think the whole pharmaceutical and bioscience world is a great place for Virginia. We’ve had huge wins in the pharmaceutical cluster here in Petersburg and Richmond and Chesterfield County. I’m very excited about the bioresearch that’s going on across the commonwealth.

I think we’ve got a tremendous leg up in advanced manufacturing, and we’ve got a great workforce. We’ve just got to bring it together around our defense companies and our aerospace companies, not to mention all of the great headway that is being made on advanced manufacturing in the supply chains into the automotive sector, etc.

Third, I’m very excited about our aerospace sector … what’s happening in Wallops Island, along with the buildup of our unmanned aerial systems, has been great. I think we’ve got some real hubs of new and exciting things happening. Not to mention the [next-generation] agri-tech world.

Then we have our entire computer science and technology world where Virginia’s just out in front. We look at where it begins with our data center dominance all the way up through end development. Our cyber capabilities are extraordinary, and these are sectors that we should continue to grow rapidly.

VB: What role do you see the Virginia Ready initiative you and your wife co-founded playing in the state’s workforce development efforts?

Youngkin: I would hope that Virginia Ready can continue to play a big part in supporting folks getting short-term training for in-demand jobs. One of the things we’ve seen is that our community college system is poised to play a major role in this, but it’s episodic in how it is doing it.

I think there’s a great opportunity here for organizations like Virginia Ready, and there’s lots of other ones that support people who are looking for new skills and training. … Our community college system can play an extraordinarily interesting role in preparing people for careers of the future. We can do that even in high school. This is the exciting part, where our community colleges partnered with K-12 education … with dual enrollment and the idea that you can graduate from high school with a two-year associate’s degree or a credential.

We’ve got to prepare our students coming out of Virginia’s high schools to be college-ready or career-ready, and I do believe that our community college system can play an enormous role in that.

VB: Senate Democrats are still in charge of the General Assembly, and they blocked your proposed gas tax break. Inflation is high and some economists are predicting a recession is likely. What do you hope to do for families and businesses in the 2023 General Assembly session?

Youngkin: My learnings from this first year is that common sense can prevail mostly. We got everything in our Day One agenda moving, all of it, other than a suspension of the gas tax.

Virginia’s universities have decided that they agree with me, they’re going to keep tuition flat this year.

I’ll need the General Assembly to finally come along, but we got $4 billion of tax cuts done last year. I think the General Assembly recognizes that if we continue to overtax Virginians like they have been doing, we’re going to continue to drive people away, and that’s no winning formula. I’m optimistic that this idea of bringing down the cost of living in Virginia, providing tax breaks for Virginians [and] going to work on affordable and accessible housing is going to be really important. We can make Virginia the best place to live, work and raise [a] family.

At the end of the day, companies need workers. I was first very clear with the General Assembly … that tax cuts should extend to both individuals and to corporations. I think that’s a really important step for us to begin to bring down the tax burden across all taxpayers in Virginia.

Then second of all, at the heart of all of this is making sure that we have a robust workforce for companies to hire and for people to thrive. … Bringing down the cost of living, bringing down the tax burden, is really important in making housing affordable and accessible.  

Virginia’s awesome. We just have to make it a little more awesome so that people will choose to stay here.